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Wednesday, December 29, 2010

အမွတ္(၁)သိပၸံနွင့္နည္းပညာတပ္ - (သပိတ္က်င္း) တည္ေနရာျပေျမပုံ


www.dictatorwatch.org

Burmese uranium sales validated by Wikileaks

Date: Thursday, December 16, 2010, 4:00 PM

DICTATOR WATCH
(www.dictatorwatch.org)

Contact: Roland Watson, roland@dictatorwatch.org

Wikileaks is in the process of releasing over 250,000 United States
diplomatic cables. The less than 1% published so far have already changing
the way we think about the world. Hitherto secret information has been
revealed about one country after another. The cables have also made
evident that the U.S. regularly lies in its public statements about
international issues. The government isn’t even close to being open with
American citizens and the people of the world.

For Burma, the Obama Administration is obliged under the Tom Lantos JADE
Act to disclose publicly what it knows about the SPDC’s nuclear program.
The State Department has refused to publish the Act’s Report on Military
and Intelligence Aid, even in the face of our Freedom of Information
filing, which was made eight months ago.

Wikileaks has provided an extraordinary opportunity to circumvent this
blackout. The organization has 1,864 cables from the United States Embassy
in Rangoon, and additional cables from other locations mention Burma as
well.

As of the time this statement was posted, at least nineteen of the
released cables involve Burma, and eight of these deal with nuclear and
related issues:

- The possible construction of a nuclear reactor - 04Rangoon88

- A large underground site in Magway, with North Korean workers -
04Rangoon1100

- How the SPDC’s growing nuclear program is a barrier to U.S. engagement,
with reference to the detection of increasing military purchases from
North Korea and an “alarming increase” in the number of nuclear science
students studying in Russia (which number Dictator Watch first disclosed)
- 09Beijing2868

- The possible shipment of uranium ore to China - 07Rangoon105

- China revealing that Burma’s North Korea relationship includes a nuclear
component and that the North is providing hardware and Russia software and
training - 09Rangoon502

- China promoting the idea that Burma-North Korea
cooperation is acceptable - 09Rangoon732

- An offer to sell uranium to the Embassy in Rangoon - 08Rangoon749

- Burma named as a WMD proliferation risk - 09State80163

The uranium sale cable is from September 23, 2008. It reports that a
Burmese national gave the embassy a vial that purportedly contained U-238.
The seller claimed to have 50kg of uranium-bearing rock in Rangoon, and
access to at least 2,000 kg more in Karenni State. However, it is not
clear when the offer took place. The cable header refers to another
communication from 2007 - State162091.

This cable validates intelligence about the availability of Burmese
uranium that Dictator Watch has previously published, albeit with some
differences.

At the end of 2006, we learned that a Burmese broker was offering to sell
yellowcake (low refined uranium). Our initial response was to inform the
U.S. We don’t want a dirty bomb with Burmese uranium to go off someday in
New York, London or Bangkok. We were told to stay away from it - we had
offered to help arrange a sting - from which we concluded that the U.S.
already knew about it.

In July 2007 we mentioned the situation for the first time in an article,
Burma: A Threat to International Security and Peace. There was no
response, official or press, to our information. We subsequently described
the case in more detail in a 2009 article, Elements of a Nuclear Weapons
Program, Threat Assessment for Burma. In this piece we disclosed that the
broker had referred to a 60kg supply of yellowcake that was stored at an
industrial center near Bangkok, and that the material was under the
control of a Wa general. We also revealed that we had learned of a second
broker. There was no response to this information either.

While there are differences, U-238 versus yellowcake, and 50 versus 60
kilograms, we think it is likely that the broker that approached the
Rangoon Embassy was the same as the first that we heard about. We would
like to know the result of the U.S. testing on the sample that the Embassy
received, and why America didn’t work to stop the broker. As far as we are
concerned, the threat of terrorism using Burmese uranium remains critical.

If the U.S. is interested, we can provide additional information on the
broker, from a document that mentions the yellowcake.

We have no doubt that as the bulk of the Burma cables are published, more
about the SPDC’s role in weapons of mass destruction proliferation will
become known. We would also comment that these are State Department cables
- the CIA, of course, knows more than State - and that the latest cable is
from early 2010. Unquestionably, the U.S. has substantial and more recent
intelligence about the SPDC’s proliferation, which in the interests of
openness it should reveal, without the need for a Wikileaks.

Junta Expands Military

By WAI MOE Wednesday, December 29, 2010 The Irrawaddy

The Burmese military junta has reportedly ordered the formation of new regional military commands (RMC) as part of sustained military expansion, bringing to 15 the number of RMCs since the last one was established in 2005.

Burmese military sources said the plans call for at least two new RMCs to be formed in eastern and northwest Burma to maintain security in strategic areas near the borders with Thailand and India.

Despite a lack of official confirmation about the new regional military commands, military sources said that one new RMC is in the Laikaw area, Kareni State, which is in a strategic area on a shorter journey from the eastern border to the new capital at Naypyidaw.

A second new RMC is reportedly to be located in Tanaing in Kachin State near ethnic areas on the Indo-Burmese border.

“The plan is to upgrade existing regional operations commands (ROC) to regional military commands in important areas,” a source said, adding that the new commands created new commander posts for younger generals.

Brig-Gen Myat Tun Oo, commander of the Defense Services Academy, and Brig-Gen Ko Ko Naing, commander of the Defense Services Medical Academy, are said to have been appointed as the commanders of newly formed RMCs.

Both Myat Tun Oo and Ko Ko Naing were promoted from the rank of colonel to brigadier general and appointed heads of two military elite schools in the Aug. 27 military reshuffle, which was Burma’s biggest in recent years. Before the reshuffle, Myat Tun Oo was commander of Light Infantry Division 101 while Ko Ko Naing was a tactical general staff officer in Military Operations Command 8.

Myat Tun Oo’s name was mentioned twice in state media in December when junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe attended graduation ceremonies at the Defense Services Academy and the Defense Service Technological Academy on Dec. 10 and Dec. 17 in Maymyo, which the junta now calls Pyin U Lwin.

Along with other military hierarchy, Ko Ko Naing appeared in the state media recently when Than Shwe attended the graduation ceremony at the Defense Services Medical Academy in Rangoon on Friday.

Thanks to the growing military budget, the junta has greatly expanded the military since the 1988 military coup. According to experts of Burma's military, particularly Maung Aung Myoe, the Burmese army has grown from 168 infantry battalions in 1988 to 504 in 2007.

In 1990, a new RMC called the Northwest Regional Military Command was formed in Monywa, Sagaing Division, while the former Northwest Regional Command in Mandalay was renamed Central Command and the Central Command in Taungoo was renamed the Southern Command.

In 1996, another two RMCs were formed in Myeik in southern Burma and Kengtung in Shan State and called the Coastal Command and the Triangle Command. The junta also formed a new regional command at the new capital called the Naypyidaw Command in December 2005.

The junta also formed two new light infantry divisions (LID)s after 1988. LID 11 was formed in December 1988 and LID 101 in 1991.

The junta also established other significant military command mechanisms after 1988, such as six Regional Operations Commands (ROC) and 20 Military Operations Commands (MOC), which have the same strength as LIDs. Like the LIDs, an MOC commands 10 battalions, but an ROC commands six battalions.

စစ္တိုင္းဌာနခ်ဳပ္ အသစ္တိုးခ်ဲ႕

ရန္ပိုင္ Wednesday, 29 December 2010 18:57

စစ္အစုိးရက “အေရွ႕အလယ္ပုိင္းတုိင္း စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္” ဟု အမည္ေပးထားသည့္ တုိင္းစစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ အသစ္ကုိ ရွမ္းျပည္ေတာင္ပုိင္းတြင္ ထပ္မံဖြင့္လွစ္လုိက္သည္။ အဆုိပါ တုိင္းစစ္ဌာခ်ဳပ္သစ္ကုိ ေတာင္ႀကီးႏွင့္ က်ဳိင္းတုံေဒသ အၾကားရွိ ခုိလမ္ေဒသတြင္ အဓိက အေျခစုိက္မည္ျဖစ္ၿပီး တုိင္းမႉးအျဖစ္ ေမၿမိဳ႕ စစ္တကၠသုိလ္ ေက်ာင္းအုပ္ႀကီး ဗုိလ္မႉးခ်ဳပ္ ျမတ္ထြန္းဦးအား ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ ေသာၾကာေန႔က အတည္ျပဳခန္႔အပ္လိုက္ေၾကာင္း ေနျပည္ေတာ္ရွိ စစ္တပ္အသိုင္းအ၀န္းက ဧရာ၀တီသုိ႔ ေျပာသည္။

ဗုိလ္မႉးခ်ဳပ္ ျမတ္ထြန္းဦးသည္ စစ္တကၠသိုလ္ အပတ္စဥ္ (DSA) ၂၅ မွ ျဖစ္ၿပီး စစ္ဖက္ဆုိင္ရာ လံုၿခံဳေရး တပ္ဖြဲ႔ (စရဖ) ဖြဲ႔စည္းခါစက ဒုဗုိလ္မႉးႀကီး တဦးအျဖစ္ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသား အစည္းအ႐ံုး (KNU) တပ္မဟာ ၇ နယ္ေျမအတြင္း လႈပ္ရွားခဲ့ၿပီး ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ထိန္ေမာင္ လက္နက္ခ်လာေစရန္ အဓိကလႈပ္ရွားခဲ့သူလည္း ျဖစ္သည္။

ထုိ႔ေနာက္ မေကြးတုိင္း ပခုကၠဴၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ဖြင့္လွစ္ထားသည့္ တပ္မ ၁၀၁ ၏ တပ္မမႉးအျဖစ္ တာ၀န္ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့ၿပီး ယခုႏွစ္ ၾသဂုတ္လအတြင္းက ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည့္ စစ္တပ္အတြင္း ရာထူးအေျပာင္းအေရႊ႕တြင္ ေမၿမိဳ႕ စစ္တကၠသုိလ္ ေက်ာင္းအုပ္ႀကီးအျဖစ္ ေျပာင္းေရႊ႕ တာ၀န္ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့သူ ျဖစ္သည္။

ခုိလမ္၊ က်ိဳင္းေတာင္း၊ မုိးနဲေဒသသည္ ရွမ္းျပည္တပ္မေတာ္ - ေတာင္ပုိင္း (SSA-S) တပ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ရွမ္းျပည္တပ္မေတာ္ - ေျမာက္ပိုင္း (SSA- N) တပ္မ်ား လႈပ္ရွားေနေသာ ေဒသျဖစ္ၿပီး ေလတပ္အေျခစုိက္ စခန္းျဖစ္သည့္ နမ့္ဆန္ၿမိဳ႕ႏွင့္လည္း အနီးဆုံးတည္ရွိသည့္ ေဒသျဖစ္သည္။

ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံတြင္ လြတ္လပ္ေရး ရၿပီးခါစ၌ ေမၿမိဳ႕အေျခစုိက္ ေျမာက္ပုိင္းတုိင္း စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ႏွင့္ ရန္ကုန္၊ အင္းစိန္ အေျခစုိက္သည့္ ေတာင္ပုိင္းတုိင္းစစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ ၂ ခုသာ ဖြင့္လွစ္ခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ျမန္မာ့ဆုိရွယ္လစ္ လမ္းစဥ္ပါတီ အစုိးရ လက္ထက္တြင္ စစ္တုိင္းႀကီးမ်ားကုိ ၉ ခုအထိ တုိးခ်ဲ႕ ဖြဲ႔စည္းခဲ့သည္။

၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္ စစ္တပ္အာဏာသိမ္းၿပီးသည့္ ေနာက္တြင္ ယခင္ မႏၲေလးၿမိဳ႕ အေျခစုိက္ အေနာက္ေျမာက္တုိင္း စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ကုိ မုံရြာသုိ႔ ေျပာင္းေရႊ႕ေစၿပီး အလယ္ပုိင္းတုိင္း စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ကုိ မႏၲေလးၿမိဳ႕သုိ႔ ေျပာင္းေရႊ႕ေစကာ ပဲခူးတုိင္း ေတာင္ငူၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ေတာင္ပုိင္းတုိင္း စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ဟု အသစ္ဖြင့္ေစသည္။

၁၉၉၆ ခုႏွစ္က ျမန္မာျပည္ေအာက္ပုိင္း ပင္လယ္ကမ္း႐ိုးတန္းၿမိဳ႕ ျဖစ္သည့္ ၿမိတ္ၿမိဳ႕ အေျခစိုက္ ကမ္းရုိးတန္းတုိင္း စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ႏွင့္ ရွမ္းျပည္ေတာင္ပုိင္း က်ိဳင္းတုံၿမိဳ႕ အေျခစိုက္ ႀတိဂံတုိင္း စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္တုိ႔ကို ဖြင့္လွစ္ခဲ့ၿပီး ၂၀၀၅ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ စစ္အစုိးရ ႐ံုးစုိက္သည့္ ေနျပည္ေတာ္ကုိ အေျချပဳၿပီး ေနျပည္ေတာ္တုိင္း စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ကုိ ထပ္မံဖြင့္လွစ္ခဲ့သည္။

လက္ရွိ ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပုံတြင္ ယခု စစ္တိုင္းသစ္ အပါအဝင္ စစ္တုိင္းႀကီး စုစုေပါင္း ၁၅ ခုျဖင့္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းထားၿပီး တပ္မစစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ ၁၀ ခု၊ စစ္ဆင္ေရး ကြပ္ကဲမႈ စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ ၂၀ ျဖင့္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းထားသည္။

ထုိ႔အျပင္ စစ္အစုိးရက အေရွ႕ပုိင္းတုိင္း စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ နယ္ေျမအတြင္းရွိ ကယားျပည္နယ္ လြိဳင္ေကာ္ေဒသႏွင့္ အေနာက္ေျမာက္ တုိင္း စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ နယ္ေျမအတြင္းရွိ တႏုိင္းေဒသတြင္လည္း စစ္တုိင္းအသစ္မ်ားကုိ ထပ္မံဖြင့္လွစ္သြားရန္ ရွိသည္ဟုလည္း သိရသည္။

ကယားျပည္နယ္ လြိဳင္ေကာ္ေဒသသည္ စစ္အစုိးရ ႐ံုးစုိက္ရာ ေနျပည္ေတာ္၊ ပ်ဥ္းမနားေဒသႏွင့္ ကပ္လ်က္ တည္ရွိၿပီး အဆုိပါ ေဒသတြင္ လက္ရွိ ကရင္နီ တုိးတက္ေရးပါတီ (KNPP) တပ္မ်ား လႈပ္ရွားေနသည့္ ေဒသျဖစ္သည့္အတြက္ စစ္အစုိးရ အတြက္ အေရးပါေၾကာင္း ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္မ်ား ဖြင့္လွစ္လိမ့္မည္ဟု ထင္ေၾကာင္း တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ရွိ စစ္ေရး ႏုိင္ငံေရး အကဲခတ္ ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဇာကလည္း သုံးသပ္သည္။

လြိဳင္ေကာ္ေဒသႏွင့္ ပ်ဥ္းမနား၊ ေပါင္းေလာင္းေဒသတြင္ ယခင္က ဗမာျပည္ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီ လႈပ္ရွားခဲ့သည့္ ေဒသမ်ားျဖစ္ၿပီး ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ေတာင္ပုိင္း ေတာင္ႀကီး၊ ပင္ေလာင္းေဒသႏွင့္လည္း ဆက္စပ္ေနသည္။ ေနျပည္ေတာ္ တပ္ကုန္းၿမိဳ႕မွ ပင္ေလာင္း ေဒသသုိ႔ သြားေရာက္ႏုိင္ၿပီး ထုိမွတဆင့္ လြိဳင္ေကာ္ၿမိဳ႕သုိ႔ ကားလမ္းဆက္သြယ္ထားသည္။

Aung San Suu Kyi: Burma's First Lady of Freedom


By Hannah Beech / Rangoon Wednesday, Dec. 29, 2010

The special branch had chased us across the city for hours, through the haunted, betel-nut-stained streets of old Rangoon, past street-side tailors hunched over ancient sewing machines and open-air bookstalls selling worm-eaten copies of Orwell and Kipling. Unable to shake the latest batch of state security men following us by foot, we jumped into a wheezing taxi of mid-20th century vintage. The young driver's eyes widened at the foreigners who hurled themselves in the back and ordered the car to move — fast. As we lurched into motion, he showed us where he stood by reaching into his shirt pocket and pulling out a laminated picture. It was, of course, of the Lady.

Read more: http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,2039939,00.html#ixzz19WcKugKY

Tuesday, December 28, 2010

Sri Lanka execution video: new war crimes claims

Dec 1, 2010

Channel 4 News reveals new footage of the alleged massacre of Tamil prisoners which promoted a UN investigation last year, as the Sri Lanka President Mahinda Rajapakse arrives in London.


Three months after Sri Lanka declared victory over the Tamil Tigers, Channel 4 News broadcast footage apparently showing government troops summarily executing Tamils during the final push of the war.

Now damning material concerning the behaviour of government troops in the country's civil war has emerged.

The video shows the same incident as one aired 16 months ago by Channel 4 News which the Sri Lankan government maintains was fake. It showed the execution of bound men on a muddy track, purportedly defeated Tamil prisoners. A UN investigation later found that the video "appeared authentic".

The new video seems to show the same incident but rather than stopping after the execution of a second bound man, it continues and the camera pans left reveals the naked and dead bodies of at least seven women, with accompanying dialogue from onlookers who make lewd and callous comments which seems to strongly suggest that sexual assaults have taken place before the death of the women.

........read more......



..click here to read the article " Is Than Shwe Seeking Military Advice in Sri Lanka?" ...........

နအဖ စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၏ ရန္ကုန္တိုင္းစစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ ကုန္းျမင့္သာ ရွိေနအိမ္မ်ားတည္ေနရာ





The Bushehr reactor


Work to build a nuclear power plant at Bushehr began in 1974, but came to a halt in 1979 with the Islamic revolution. The project was revived in the 1990s with assistance from Russia, which is now preparing to begin loading nuclear fuel into the site's first operational reactor. Satellite images show how the plant has developed in the last decade.
Images from March 2010 show the first completed reactor building to the right. The whole site occupies 2.5 square kilometres (one square mile), about 17 km (11 miles) south of the city of Bushehr. Recent developments include a narrow channel to carry cooling water for the reactor from the Gulf, shown on the image above.

Monday, December 27, 2010

Nambiar, UN, undermine war crimes investigation on Sri Lanka, Burma


[TamilNet, Tuesday, 21 December 2010, 08:48 GMT]

Unchecked for the role he played in the genocide of Eezham Tamils last year, Vijay Nambiar’s UN villainy is now targeting ethnicities struggling in Burma. The Burmese military now plans to adopt the Rajapaksa doctrine of military solution to the national question in Burma, with the backing of the same establishments that backed Rajapaksa, and Vijay Nambiar is in the scene again, facilitating the agenda and shielding the war crimes. A few days ago, UK has urged the UN to replace Vijay Nambiar by another fulltime envoy to deal with Burma. According to Mizzima News Wednesday, the London-based Burma Campaign expressed extreme disappointment on the approach of Nambiar befriending military generals and ignoring nations struggling for liberation. Meanwhile, the UN panel on Sri Lanka meeting Colombo’s LLRC has raised eyebrows in the human rights circles.

While major human rights organisations of the world have boycotted Colombo’s LLRC, there are reports that Ban Ki Moon’s advisory panel on Sri Lanka may have ‘meetings’ with it. According to SL government, since it has said that anyone could come up with submissions to the LLRC, on that basis the UN panel also could come to Colombo to meet the LLRC. This means that the UN panel is treated as a party submitting before the LLRC.

Informed circles say that the UN panel has plans to meet the LLRC behind the scene somewhere outside of the island, perhaps for exchanging notes.

Sri Lanka's President Mahinda Rajapaksa has invited U.N. investigators to share evidence gathered with his own reconciliation commission. Associated Press cited Media Minister Keheliya Rambukwella saying Saturday that "We resisted the panel saying we can't allow a U.N. investigation unilaterally. But in this case, the president has invited them not to undertake any investigation but to share the evidence."

The UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon praised the move, AP said.

After collecting sensitive and trusted evidence from the affected, the UN move of ‘sharing’ with LLRC is calculated to undermine the credibility of the panel which had been set half-heartedly and the modus operandi of which had already raised doubts, said human rights activists.

In Burma, Ban Ki Moon’s chief of staff, Vijay Nambiar sabotaged war crimes investigations against Burmese military at the behest of the Chinese, accuses the Mizzima article by Thomas Maung Shwe.

Indian and Chinese opposition to war crimes investigation in the island of Sri Lanka and their backing to the war crimes accused regime of Rajapaksa are well known.

The Chinese have told Nambiar that war crime inquiry in Burma would be dangerous and counterproductive, and should not be allowed to proceed. Nambiar appeared to have shared the view by omitting a proposal for war crime inquiry in his report to the UN, despite the fact that UN officials had earlier called for such an inquiry, Mizzima said.

The UN special rapporteur on human rights in Burma in his report in March said that abuses were a state policy that involved authorities at all levels of the executive, military and judiciary, and called for an inquiry by the UN Human Rights Council.

Ironically, Burmese military offensive in August-September targeted ethnic Chinese in the Kokang region that made thousands of them to flee to Yunnan of China. The Chinese came out only with verbal protest.

After meeting Aung Sun Suu Kyi in Burma, Nambiar commented that he found her “out of touch and somehow too hard-line”, reports Matthew Russell Lee of the Inner City Press.

Writing on the controversial role played by Nambiar in Sri Lanka, Mizzima said: “Ban sent the former Indian diplomat to Sri Lanka despite that his own brother, retired Indian army general Satish Nambiar, had served as an adviser to the Sri Lankan military for several years.”

Citing The Times, Mizzima said that Nambiar knowingly suppressed information to the public, despite UN staff briefing him in Colombo that at least 20,000 people had died in the final stages of the war.

But there are some other Indian names that not only suppressed information but came out with misleading information on the civilians in the killing zone, contributing to the ‘smooth progress’ of war crimes.

Meanwhile, Sri Lanka connection is a key factor in the renewed ethnic war in the regions of Burma, bordering Thailand, India and China, says Simon Roughneen writing in The Irrawaddy, November 29.

According to the article, while Aung San Suu Kyi, released from her years-long house arrest, has called for discussions on federal model solutions, the Burmese military is gearing up for a military solution to the ethnic issue in the model of Rajapaksa’s Sri Lanka.

Rajapaksa’s first visit outside after the Vanni War was to Burma. The Burmese generals reciprocated in June 2009 by visiting Colombo and thanking Rajapaksa for his support in combating “illegal activities carried out by the LTTE in the past and in drug trafficking in the region."

But most of the poppy-growing areas in the Shan State of Burma are under the control of militia groups backed by the Burmese military, says Shan researcher and journalist Kheunsai Jaiyen, cited by The Irrawaddy.

The Burmese military is now eager to learn from Sri Lanka and to borrow methods from Sri Lanka’s COIN strategy used against the LTTE, The Irrawaddy article said, citing a recent report by researcher Kim Joliffe.

Meanwhile, Sri Lanka’s army commander Jagath Jayasuriya said Wednesday that his military would be seeking UN ‘peace keeping’ missions abroad. Revealing that Colombo would be negotiating with Russia for armoured fighting vehicles, he said that his country was ready to take up foreign assignments at short notice.

In Burma, the Sri Lankan-style strategy appears primarily to target the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), The Irrawaddy said.

“In total, an estimated 446,000 people are thought to be displaced inside Burma and allegations that the army uses forced labour, forced displacement and rape as part of its campaign in ethnic minority regions are part of the campaign by rights groups to establish a Commission of Inquiry into war crimes in Burma,” The Irrawaddy further said.

According to Joliffe's report, more violence looms in Karen-populated regions in eastern Burma. The Sri Lanka-style strategy “would include the assassination of key leaders, the pinpointing of key bases and the herding of KNLA forces and civilians into kill zones using heli-borne forces.” Ominously, Joliffe suggests, “the final phase of these hammer and anvil tactics is the obliteration of everyone in kill zones using massed artillery.”

But it seems too much importance is given to the military of these terrorist states and their military ‘successes’ when the real problem lies in the attitudes of some powers and in the criminal mind of some individuals occupying establishments. The Sri Lankan state is increasingly proving itself as a crucial test case where the backbone of state terrorism should be crushed for the benefit of any fresh tide in world affairs.


External Links:
Mizzima:
UK urges Ban to sack Nambiar, appoint full-time Burma envoy
The Irrawaddy: Sri Lanka Connection Key as Ethnic War Fears Grow

..click here to read the Burmese Regime Plans to Destroy Karen Insurgents with Helicopters and Massed Artillery

..click here to read the New Strategies of the Tatmadaw in Northern Kayin State and Bago Region, Myanmar by Kim Jolliffe

Dawei Deep Seaport Project ထား၀ယ္ ပင္လယ္နက္ စီမံကိန္း

Dawae Deep Seaport Project ထား၀ယ္ ပင္လယ္နက္ စီမံကိန္း

The Tinner Case: Time for a Frank, Open Evaluation

By David Albright and Paul Brannan
December 21, 2010

The busting of the A.Q. Khan network in 2003 and 2004 was a major accomplishment for the Bush administration. But this success story, much of which remains clouded in secrecy, also contains serious after-effects for which greater independent scrutiny is long overdue. One now visible deleterious effect is the complicated drama that has played out in Switzerland. It is centered on the Tinners, a Swiss family with deep roots in the business of illicit nuclear trade that turned on the Khan network and became Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) informants.

.read more......


.....also see CIA Recruitment of the Three Tinners: A Preliminary Assessment

Saturday, December 25, 2010

ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရ၏ ႏ်ဴးကလီးယားစီမံကိန္း ႏွင့္ ဗိုလ္မႉးေဟာင္း စိုင္းသိန္း၀င္း - အပိုင္း (၃)



တပ္မႉးတပ္သား ေျပာစကား (၀၄၀)

ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရမွာ ‘အဏုျမဴလက္နက္ေတြထုတ္လုပ္မယ့္ ႏ်ဴးကလီးယားစီမံကိန္း’ ရိွေနတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ အေထာက္အထားတခ်ိဳ႕ကိုယူေဆာင္ၿပီး၊ ျပည္ပကိုထြက္ခြါလာခဲ့သူကေတာ့ ရုရွႏိုင္ငံမွာ ဒံုးက်ည္ဆိုင္ရာစက္မႈဘာသာရပ္နဲ႔ မဟာသိပၸံဘြဲ႔ရယူခဲ့သူ စစ္အင္ဂ်င္နီယာအရာရိွ ဗိုလ္မႉး ေဟာင္း စိုင္းသိန္း၀င္းပါ။ ကာကြယ္ေရးပစၥည္းစက္ရံုမွာ တာ၀န္ထမ္းေဆာင္စဥ္က ဗိုလ္မႉးေဟာင္းစိုင္းသိန္း၀င္းရဲ႕အေတြ႔အႀကံဳေတြကို ဒီသီတင္း ပတ္ရဲ႕ “တပ္မႉးတပ္သား ေျပာစကား” အပတ္စဥ္က႑မွာ ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္းက စီစဥ္တင္ဆက္ထားပါတယ္။

ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ ဗိုလ္မႉး အေနနဲ႔ ဒီ “ကပစ” စက္ရံုေတြ မွာ ဘာေတြ ေတြ႔ႀကံဳရသလဲ ခင္ဗ်။

ဗိုလ္မႉးစိုင္းသိန္း၀င္း။ ။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ကေတာ့ အရာရွိျဖစ္ၿပီးတဲ့အခါမွ ကာကြယ္ေရးပစၥည္းထုတ္လုပ္ေရးမွာ က်ေနာ့္ရဲ႕ mother unit (မိခင္တပ္ရင္း) က အမွတ္(၃)ကာကြယ္ေရးပစၥည္းစက္ရံု (ဆင္တဲ) ပါ။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ammunition (ခဲယမ္း) ေတြကို အဓိက ထုတ္လုပ္တာက ေတာ့ ကပစ (၃) ၊ ကပစ (၁၂) ေပါ့၊ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္တုန္းက။ ကပစ (၃) က ခဲယမ္းေတြကိုထုတ္လုပ္ရာမွာ အဓိက အခုလက္ရွိတပ္မေတာ္မွာ အသံုး မ်ားေနတဲ့ (၈၁) မမ စိန္ေျပာင္းဗုံးသီးရယ္၊ (၁၂၀) မမ စိန္ေျပာင္းဗုံးသီးေတြကို ထုတ္လုပ္တာပါ။ ဒီ့အျပင္ ပိုၿပီးေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ထုတ္လုပ္ခဲ့ရတာ ကေတာ့ (၈၂) မမ ေနာက္ပြင့္ရိုင္ဖယ္ ဒံုးက်ည္ေတြ ထုတ္ခဲ့ရတာရွိတယ္။ က်ေနာ္ကိုင္ခဲ့တဲ့ အလုပ္ရံုကေတာ့ RPG (Rocket Propelling Grenade) (ဒံုးက်ည္သံုးဗံုးသီး) ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီစက္ရံုကေတာ့ က်ေနာ္ အလုပ္ရံုမႉးအေနနဲ႔ ကိုင္တြယ္ခဲ့ရတဲ့ အလုပ္ရံု ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ စိန္ေျပာင္း ဗံုးသီးေတြက စက္ထဲကို သံတံုးအေနနဲ႔ ျဖတ္ၿပီးေတာ့ ထည့္လိုက္တယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ထြက္လာတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ဗံုးသီးေတြက တစ္ျခမ္းေစာင္းေနတာ မ်ိဳးတို႔ ဗံုးသီးရဲ႕အေခါင္းက တစ္ျခမ္းပါးၿပီးေတာ့တစ္ျခမ္းထူ ေနတာမ်ိဳးတို႔ အဲဒီလိုမ်ိဳး ျပႆနာေလးေတြ ေတြ႔တယ္။

ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ ဗိုလ္မႉးတို႔ ဗံုးခြံလုပ္ေနတုန္းမွာ ယမ္းေတာင္ မထည့္ရေသးတဲ့ အေျခအေနေပါ့။ အဲဒီလိုမ်ိဳး ဗံုးခြံေတြက ေစာင္းၿပီးထြက္ လာရတဲ့အေၾကာင္းက ဘာေၾကာင့္ပါလဲ ခင္ဗ်။

ဗိုလ္မႉးစိုင္းသိန္း၀င္း။ ။ အဲဒါက ပံုစံသြင္းတဲ့ေနရာမွာ သံကိုသံခ်င္း ႀကိတ္စားရတာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒါေၾကာင့္မို႔ ႀကိတ္စားခံရမယ့္သံထည္ ကို က်ေနာ္တို႔က အရင္ဆံုး ေပ်ာ့ေအာင္လုပ္ရတယ္ ခင္ဗ်။ အဲဒီလို ေပ်ာ့ေအာင္လုပ္တဲ့ ေနရာမွာ မီးဖုတ္ရပါတယ္။ မီးဖုတ္တဲ့အခါမွာ က်ေနာ္တို႔ စက္ရံုမွာရွိတဲ့ မီးဖိုႀကီးက ဒီဇယ္သံုးတဲ့မီးဖိုႀကီး ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့အခါက်ေတာ့ ဌာနမႉးတို႔ စက္ရံုမႉးတို႔အႀကိဳက္ ျဖစ္သြားတာေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔လဲဆို ေတာ့ ဒီသံတံုးကို သတ္မွတ္တဲ့အခ်ိန္ သတ္မွတ္တဲ့အပူရွိန္ မျဖစ္လည္း မီးေတာက္က ထြက္ေနတာပဲ။ ဒီေတာ့ ဂါလံ(၄၀၀) ထည့္ရမယ့္ေနရာမွာ ဂါလံ(၂၀၀) ထည့္လိုက္လည္း ဒီမီးေတာက္က ထြက္ေနတာပဲ။ အဲဒီေတာ့ ဒီသံတံုးေတြက လိုအပ္တဲ့ မီးအပူရွိန္ကို မရဘူး။ လိုအပ္တဲ့ မီးအပူရွိန္ မရေတာ့ မေပ်ာ့ဘူးေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ မေပ်ာ့တဲ့အခါက်ေတာ့ အဲဒီမွာ ရွိသမွ်စက္ေတြအားလံုးဟာ သံတံုးအမာႀကီးေတြကိုပဲ ႀကိတ္စားရတဲ့ အခါက်ေတာ့ တစ္ခုခ်င္းစီ တစ္ခုခ်င္းစီ ထြက္လာတဲ့ အစိပ္အပိုင္းေတြ အားလံုးကလည္း ရြဲ႕ေစာင္းၿပီးေတာ့ထြက္လာတယ္။ ဥပမာ ဒံုးက်ည္ေတြဆိုလို႔ရွိရင္ ေျပာင္းထဲမ၀င္တာမ်ိဳးတို႔ ေနာက္ၿပီး အဆိုးဆံုးကေတာ့ ဒံုးက်ည္ေတြ ဗံုးသီးေတြရဲ႕အတြင္းနံရံေတြဟာ တစ္ဖက္ထူတစ္ဖက္ပါး အဲဒီလိုမ်ိဳး မညီ တာမ်ိဳးေလးေတြ ျဖစ္လာတာ ေတြ႔ရတယ္။

ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ ဟုတ္ကဲ့ အဲဒါေတြက စက္ရံုတာ၀န္ရွိလူႀကီးပိုင္းအရာရွိေတြက စက္ရံုမွာလည္ပတ္သံုးစြဲရမယ့္ ဒီဇယ္ဆီေတြကို အျပင္ ကို အႀကံအဖန္ထုတ္ၿပီး ေရာင္းခ်ၾကလို႔ ျဖစ္ရတဲ့အျဖစ္လို႔ က်ေနာ္ အခု နားလည္လိုက္ပါတယ္။

ဗိုလ္မႉးစိုင္းသိန္း၀င္း။ ။ အဲဒီတပ္မွာ အဲဒီလိုမွ မလုပ္လို႔ရွိရင္လည္း ဘယ္လိုမွ စားမေလာက္တဲ့ အေနအထားပါ။ က်ေနာ္က ဒီျပႆနာ ကို ‘စက္ရံုမႉးမွာလည္း တာ၀န္မရွိဘူး။ ေအာက္ကလုပ္ေနတဲ့ ရဲေဘာ္ေတြမွာလည္း တာ၀န္မရွိဘူး’ လို႔ ျမင္ပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္ကေတာ့ ဒီျပႆနာ ေတြ အားလံုးကို ေခါင္မိုးက မိုးမလံုလို႔ မိုးယိုတဲ့ကိစၥလို႔ပဲ သံုးသပ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ အဲဒီလိုမ်ိဳး ရြဲ႕ေစာင္းၿပီးထြက္လာတဲ့ သံကိုယ္ထည္ေတြနဲ႔ ဗံုးသီးေတြ ဒံုးက်ည္ rocket ေတြ၊ အဲဒါေတြက ယမ္းမထည့္ ရေသးခင္ေတာင္ အဲ့ဒီေလာက္ျဖစ္ေနေတာ့ ယမ္းထည့္ၿပီးေတာ့မွ စက္ရံုထြက္လက္နက္ခဲယမ္း ေတြဆိုၿပီးေတာ့ ေရွ႕တန္းကိုပို႔တဲ့အခါမွာ၊ ဒါေတြ ကိုအသံုးျပဳမယ့္ တပ္ေတြကို ပို႔တဲ့အခါမွာ ဘာေတြ ဆက္ျဖစ္လဲခင္ဗ်။

ဗိုလ္မႉးစိုင္းသိန္း၀င္း။ ။ ဒီသံထည္ပိုင္းမွာ တစ္ျခမ္းေစာင္းၿပီးေတာ့ ဗံုးသီး အထူအပါးမညီတဲ့ျပႆနာက ဘာျဖစ္ႏိုင္သလဲဆိုေတာ့ ေျပာင္း ထဲမွာေပါက္တာ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္တယ္။ လမ္းတစ္၀က္မွာျပဳတ္က်တာ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္တယ္။ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ ရန္သူ႔နယ္ေျမထဲကိုက်သြားၿပီးေတာ့မွ အျပည့္အ၀ မေပါက္ကြဲဘဲနဲ႔ ထက္ျခမ္းေပါက္သြားတာမ်ိဳး ျဖစ္ႏိုင္တယ္။ ထက္ျခမ္းေပါက္သြားတယ္ဆိုတာ အထူအပါးမညီတဲ့ေနရာကေနၿပီးေတာ့ ဗံုးသီးဟာ အစိပ္စိပ္အမႊာမႊာကြဲထြက္သြားရမယ့္အစား သူက ႏွစ္ပိုင္းပဲ ကြဲထြက္သြားတာေပါ့။ ဒါကေတာ့ ထိေရာက္မႈအပိုင္းကို သြားၿပီးေတာ့ effect (အက်ိဳးသက္ေရာက္မႈ) ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ေနာက္တစ္ခုက ယမ္းပိုင္းကိုေျပာမယ္ဆိုရင္ ယမ္းပိုင္းမွာ ထုတ္လုပ္ကတည္းက အရည္အေသြး မျပည့္မွီ တာရွိတယ္။ ေနာက္ၿပီးေတာ့ ထိန္းသိမ္းထားသိုတဲ့ေနရာမွာလည္း ျပႆနာရွိတယ္။ ထုတ္လုပ္တာကေတာ့ ထုတ္လုပ္လိုက္ၿပီ၊ ဗံုးသီးေတြကို ယမ္းလည္းျဖည့္ၿပီးသြားၿပီ။ အကုန္လံုးကို COD (Central Ordnance Depot) (ပင္မလက္နက္ ခဲယမ္းသိုေလွာင္ေရးတပ္)ကို သြားပို႔လုိက္ၿပီ၊ အဲဒီစစ္လက္နက္ပစၥည္းသိုေလွာင္ထိန္းသိမ္းေရးတပ္က ဒီလက္နက္ေတြကို အေသအခ်ာမထိန္းသိမ္းဘဲနဲ႔ ပစၥလကၡထားလိုက္မယ္ဆိုရင္ ဗံုးသီး ေတြဟာ အခ်ိန္မတုိင္ဘဲနဲ႔ ယိုယြင္းပ်က္စီးသြားတာမ်ိဳးေတြ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ ဒါကေတာ့ တစ္က႑ေပါ့။

ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ အဲဒီေတာ့ အဲလိုမ်ိဳးၾကာရွည္ၾကာမ်ား လက္နက္ခဲယမ္းေတြကို သိုေလွာင္ထားရွိမယ့္ကိစၥမွာ စနစ္တက်သတ္မွတ္ထား တဲ့လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ အဆင့္ဆင့္တို႔ ဥပမာ က်ည္ဆံတို႔ ေသနတ္တို႔လို လက္နက္ငယ္ အေသးေလးေတြေတာင္မွ ဘယ္လို ထားရမယ္၊ ဆီသုတ္ၿပီးမွ ထားရမယ္၊ ဘာကို အေျခာက္ခံၿပီးမွ ထားရမယ္၊ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ၾကားဖူးတာေတြ ရွိတာေပါ့ေနာ္၊ အဲဒီေတာ့ ခုနကိစၥမွာေကာ အဲဒါမ်ိဳးေတြ သတ္မွတ္ ၿပီးေတာ့ လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနၾကတာ မရွိဘူးလား ခင္ဗ်။

ဗိုလ္မႉးစိုင္းသိန္း၀င္း။ ။ လက္နက္ပစၥည္းသိုေလွာင္ထိန္းသိမ္းေရးတပ္ေတြမွာလည္း ျပႆနာရွိတယ္။ ဒါကေတာ့ ဒီတပ္မွာတင္ မဟုတ္ ပါဘူး။ တပ္တိုင္း တပ္တိုင္းမွာ ျဖစ္ေနတာပါ။ ဘာလဲဆိုေတာ့ ရဲေဘာ္ အလံုအေလာက္ မရွိတာပါ။ ရဲေဘာ္ေတြက နည္းၿပီးေတာ့ အရာရွိက မ်ား ေနတဲ့အခါက်ေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ‘ကပစ’ကေန ေသနတ္ေတြ ထုတ္လိုက္ၿပီ၊ ၿပီးေတာ့ COD ကိုသြားပို႔လိုက္တယ္။ အဲဒီ COD က ရဲေဘာ္ေလး တစ္ေယာက္ႏွစ္ေယာက္က ဘယ္လိုလုပ္ သြားၿပီး ဆီသုတ္ခ်ိန္ ရမွာလဲ၊ အဲဒီေတာ့ လာပို႔တဲ့ေသနတ္ေတြကို ထင္းေခ်ာင္းေတြလိုပဲ စင္ေတြေပၚ ကို ၀ုန္း၀ုန္းဆိုပစ္တင္ၿပီးေတာ့ ၿပီးသြားတာပဲ။ အဲဒီေတာ့ ဒီေသနတ္ေတြက ဘယ္လိုမွသံုးလို႔မရ အလိုလိုေနရင္းနဲ႔ကို ပ်က္စီးေနတာေပါ့ ခင္ဗ်ာ။

ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ အဲဒီေတာ့ ဗိုလ္မႉးတို႔ ကပစစက္ရံုေတြကေနၿပီးေတာ့ အဲဒီလိုမ်ိဳးျဖစ္ပ်က္ၿပီးေတာ့မွ ထြက္ရွိလာတဲ့လက္နက္ခဲယမ္းေတြ နဲ႔ ေရွ႕တန္းမွာတိုက္ပြဲ၀င္တဲ့အခါမွာ ေရွ႕တန္းမွာတိုက္ေနရတဲ့တပ္ေတြက ေနာက္ကေနေရာက္လာတဲ့ခဲယမ္းေတြ ဒီလိုေတြျဖစ္ပ်က္ၿပီးမွ ေရာက္ လာတယ္ဆိုတာ သူတို႔က မသိၾကဘူး။ အဲဒီေတာ့ မသိဘဲနဲ႔ အဲဒါေတြနဲ႔ တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္ေနတဲ့အခါမွာ ဘာေတြ ျဖစ္သံပ်က္သံေတြ ၾကားဖူးပါသလဲ ခင္ဗ်။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ၾကားဖူးတာ တစ္ခုရွိပါတယ္။ မႏွစ္ကတုန္းက ၂၀၀၉ ခုႏွစ္ ဖုန္ၾကားရွင္၊ ဖုန္ၾကားဖူးကို ေလာက္ကိုင္မွာ ျပန္တုိက္တုန္းက တပ္မ (၃၃) ကိုယ့္ဘက္က တပ္ေတြအေပၚကို ေနာက္ကေနၿပီး ပစ္ကူေပးတဲ့ လက္နက္ႀကီးက်ည္ေတြ အေျမာက္က်ည္ေတြက်လို႔ ေတာ္ေတာ္ မ်ားမ်ား ေသဆံုးသြားတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္လည္း အေရးယူခံရတဲ့အခါက်ေတာ့ ေလာက္ကိုင္ဒကစမႉး (ေဒသကြပ္ကဲမႈစစ္ဆင္ေရးဌာနခ်ဳပ္ (ေလာက္ ကိုင္)၊ အေရွ႕ေျမာက္တိုင္းစစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္လက္ေအာက္ခံ ဒကစ) ဗိုလ္မႉးခ်ဳပ္၀င္းေမာင္က အေရးယူခံရတယ္။ ေထာင္အခ်ခံရတယ္ ဆိုတာမ်ိဳး က်ေနာ္တို႔ ၾကားဖူးပါတယ္။ အဲဒီေတာ့ ဒါေတြက ခုနကလိုအျဖစ္အပ်က္မ်ိဳးေတြနဲ႔ ဆက္စပ္မႈရွိပါသလား ခင္ဗ်။ နည္းနည္း ရွင္းျပေပးပါလား။

ဗိုလ္မႉးစိုင္းသိန္း၀င္း။ ။ ဟုတ္ကဲ့ ခင္ဗ်၊ အဲဒီကိစၥေတြက အမ်ားႀကီးဆက္စပ္မႈ ရွိပါတယ္။ ဘာလို႔လဲဆိုေတာ့ စနစ္ႀကီးတစ္ခုလံုးက ပ်က္ စီးေနတာကိုး။ စက္ရံုကထုတ္ကတည္းကုိက ဒီလက္နက္ပစၥည္းေတြက အရည္အေသြး မျပည့္မွီဘူး။ ေနာက္ၿပီးေတာ့ သိုေလွာင္ထိန္းသိမ္းေရး တပ္ေတြမွာလည္း စနစ္တက်သိုေလွာင္ထိန္းသိမ္းထားျခင္း မရွိဘူး။ သယ္ယူပို႔ေဆာင္တဲ့ေနရာမွာေကာ စနစ္တက်ရွိသလားဆိုေတာ့ စနစ္တ က် မရွိဘူး။ ဘာလို႔လဲဆိုေတာ့ အားလံုးက ေစတနာမရွိဘူးလို ျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအခါက်ေတာ့ ေရွ႕တန္းကိုေရာက္သြားတဲ့အခါမွာ ပစ္လုိက္ တဲ့ ကိုယ့္ရဲ႕ဗံုးသီးဟာ ကိုက္(၂၀၀၀)ကိုခ်ိန္ၿပီး ပစ္တဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ကိုက္(၂၀၀၀)မေရာက္ဘဲ ကိုက္(၁၂၀၀)ေလာက္နဲ႔ လမ္းတစ္၀က္မွာတင္ ျပဳတ္က် တာမ်ိဳးေတြ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီလို ကိုက္(၁၂၀၀)ေလာက္နဲ႔ ျပဳတ္က်တာမ်ိဳးေတြ ျဖစ္မယ္ဆိုရင္ စစ္နည္းဗ်ဴဟာအရဆိုရင္ အေျမာက္ႀကီးနဲ႔ ရန္ သူကို ပစ္အားနဲ႔ဖိထားတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ေျခလ်င္တပ္ေတြက ၀င္ၿပီးလံုးရတဲ့ဟာ မ်ိဳးကိုး။ အေျမာက္ႀကီး ပစ္ေနတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ကိုယ့္ရဲ႕ေျခလ်င္တပ္က ရန္သူရဲ႕ၿခံစည္းရိုးနားကို ေရာက္ေနရမယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ က်ေနာ္တို႔ရဲ႕ ဗံုးသီးက အဲဒီလိုမ်ိဳး မေသခ်ာတဲ့အျပင္ ေရာက္မယ့္လမ္းေၾကာင္းကလည္း မေသခ်ာတဲ့အခါက်ေတာ့ ကိုယ့္တပ္ဖြဲ႔ေခါင္းေပၚ ျပန္ေရာက္ႏိုင္တဲ့ျပႆနာေတြ ရွိပါတယ္။

ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ ျဖစ္ခဲ့ဖူးတဲ့ နမူနာေလး တစ္ခု ႏွစ္ခု ေလာက္ေျပာျပပါလား ခင္ဗ်ာ။

ဗိုလ္မႉးစိုင္းသိန္း၀င္း။ ။ စက္ရံုမွာေတာ့ ဘယ္လိုႀကံဳရသလဲဆိုေတာ့ အရည္အေသြးစစ္ေဆးေရးဌာနကဗိုလ္မႉးတစ္ေယာက္ကေတာ့ 82 mm RPL ဆိုတဲ့ (၈၂)မမ ေနာက္ပြင့္ရိုင္ဖယ္ကို ပစ္စမ္းၾကည့္တာ။ ပထမ တစ္လံုးပစ္ မထြက္၊ ႏွစ္လံုးပစ္ မထြက္၊ သံုးလံုးပစ္ မထြက္တဲ့အခါ ေနာက္ ေလးလံုးေျမာက္မွာ သူက ႀကိဳးနဲ႔ trigger (ေမာင္းခလုတ္) ကိုဆြဲၿပီးေတာ့ ပစ္စမ္းမယ္ဆိုၿပီး စမ္းၾကည့္ပါတယ္။ လူကိုယ္တိုင္ကေတာ့ ကတုတ္က်င္းထဲ၀င္ၿပီး ေသနတ္ကို ႀကိဳးနဲ႔ဆြဲ ပစ္တာေပါ့။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ဒံုးက်ည္က ေျပာင္းထဲမွာတင္ ကြဲထြက္သြားတာေပါ့။ ဆုိလိုတာက က်ေနာ္ တို႔ ထုတ္တဲ့ပစၥည္းေတြဟာ စက္ရံုျပင္ပေတာင္ မထြက္ေသးဘူး။ အဲဒီမွာ အႏၱရာယ္က ေပးေနၿပီ။ ထိုနည္းတူပဲ ေျခလ်င္တပ္ေတြကေန ကပစ ကို ျပန္ၿပီးေတာ့feedbackေတြ ျပန္လာတာေပါ့။ သတင္းျပန္လာတာေတြ ရွိတယ္။ ျပန္ ၾကားရတာေတြ ရွိတယ္။ လြယ္တိုက္လွ်ံ SSA (ရွမ္းျပည္ တပ္မေတာ္) ေတာင္ပိုင္းကို တိုက္တုန္းက၊ “၀” တပ္ကို ေရွ႕က တက္ခိုင္းၿပီးေတာ့ စစ္တပ္က ေနာက္ကေန စိန္ေျပာင္းနဲ႔ ပစ္ကူေပးေတာ့ “၀” တပ္ေတြေပၚကိုပဲ က်ေနာ္တို႔ရဲ႕ စိန္ေျပာင္းဗံုးသီးေတြက က်တာ ရွိတယ္ဗ်။

ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ အဲဒါ ဘယ္ႏွစ္ခုႏွစ္ကလဲ ခင္ဗ်။ အဲဒါ အခုလိုမ်ိဳး UWSA (United Wa Solidarity Army ၀ျပည္ေသြးစည္းညီညြတ္ ေရးတပ္မေတာ္) နဲ႔ စစ္အစိုးရ၊ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ကိစၥနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ျပႆနာ မတက္ခင္ေပါ့ေနာ္။

ဗိုလ္မႉးစိုင္းသိန္း၀င္း။ ။ အဲဒါ ၂၀၀၂ ခုႏွစ္ေလာက္ကဆိုေတာ့ ေတာ္ေတာ္ၾကာသြားပါၿပီ။ ေနာက္ပိုင္း သတင္းေတြကေနပဲ ျပန္ဖတ္ရတာ ပါ။ UWSA က (၄၀၀) ေလာက္က်တယ္။ အဲဒီ (၄၀၀)ေလာက္က်တယ္ ဆိုတာကလည္း ေနာက္က ပစ္ကူေပးတဲ့ တပ္မေတာ္ကဗံုးသီးေၾကာင့္ပဲ ေသတာ။ ထို႔နည္းတူပါပဲ ပန္မိုင္စြန္တိုက္ပြဲတုိ႔လို ျဖစ္စဥ္ေတြ အားလံုးကို တပ္ခြဲမႉးသင္တန္းတို႔ တပ္စုမႉးသင္တန္းတို႔မွာ ျပန္သင္တာရွိတယ္။ အဲဒီလို review(ျပန္လည္သံုးသပ္မႈ)ျပန္လုပ္တဲ့အခါက်ေတာ့ ျပန္ၾကားရတာေလးေတြ ရွိပါတယ္။ မ်ားေသာအားျဖင့္ တပ္မေတာ္သားေတြ အက် အဆံုးမ်ားတာဟာ ကိုယ့္က်ည္နဲ႔ကိုယ္ ေသတာ မ်ားပါတယ္။

ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ အဲဒီေတာ့ အဲဒါေတြ အေပၚျပန္သံုးသပ္ၿပီး ေကာင္းေအာင္ ဘယ္လိုလုပ္မယ္ဆိုတာမ်ိဳး လုပ္ေလ့လုပ္ထလည္း မရွိဘူး။ မေကာင္းတဲ့သတင္းဆို ဟိုးအထက္ကိုမေရာက္ေအာင္ အကုန္လံုး အဆင့္ဆင့္ အုပ္ထားၾကမယ္ဆိုတဲ့ဟာနဲ႔ သြားေနတာ ဆိုေတာ့၊ ဗိုလ္မႉးတို႔ ဘယ္ေလာက္ထိ အဲဒါေတြရဲ႕ ဒီ ျဖစ္ပ်က္မႈေတြကို တိတိက်က် သိရွိခဲ့ရပါသလဲ။ အထူးသျဖင့္ ကိုယ္ကတာ၀န္ရွိေနတဲ့လူ၊ ဒီပစၥည္းေတြကို ထုတ္ လုပ္ေနတဲ့လူေတြ အေနနဲ႔ေပါ့။

ဗိုလ္မႉးစိုင္းသိန္း၀င္း။ ။ ဒီ ကာကြယ္ေရးပစၥည္းစက္ရံုေတြကိုေတာ့ ျဖစ္စဥ္အားလံုးက အမွန္အတုိင္းပဲ လာပါ တယ္။ က်န္တဲ့ တပ္ခြဲမႉး သင္တန္း တပ္စုမႉးသင္တန္းေတြမွာကေတာ့ သူတို႔ ဒီတုိက္ပြဲကို ကိုယ္တုိင္ကိုယ္က် ပါလာခဲ့တဲ့ အရာရွိေတြကေန စင္ေပၚတက္ၿပီး က်ေနာ္တို႔ ကို ျပန္ရွင္းျပတာမ်ိဳးေတြ ရွိတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ သူတို႔ စင္ေအာက္မွာ ေျပာေတာ့တစ္မ်ိဳး၊ စင္ေပၚေရာက္သြားေတာ့ ေျပာတာတစ္မ်ိဳး ျဖစ္သြားတာ ေလးေတြေတာ့ ရွိတာေပါ့။ ဒီ ကာကြယ္ေရးပစၥည္းစက္ရံုေတြက အရာရွိေတြအေနနဲ႔ကေတာ့ ဒီျဖစ္စဥ္အမွန္ကို၊ က်ေနာ္တို႔က မျဖစ္ခင္ကတည္း ကလည္း ႀကိဳသိၿပီးသား။ ျဖစ္လာေတာ့လည္း ဘာမွ မထူးဆန္းဘူး။ ဒါ ျဖစ္မွာပဲဆိုတာ သိေနတဲ့ သေဘာပါပဲ။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ အတြက္ကေတာ့။

ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ ဒီလို အမွားႀကီးနဲ႔ သြားေနတာေတြကို၊ အကုန္လံုးက ဒီအမွားေလာကႀကီးထဲမွာ ဒါက ရိုးေနတဲ့ အတြက္ေၾကာင့္မို႔လို႔၊ အမွားအတိုင္း သြားေနတာက ဘာမွျပႆနာ မရွိဘဲနဲ႔ ထမင္းစားေရေသာက္ ကိစၥမ်ိဳးပဲ သြားေနၾကတယ္ ဆိုတဲ့ ပံုစံမ်ိဳးလား ခင္ဗ်။ ဒီေလာက္ အေရးႀကီးတဲ့ စစ္လက္နက္ပစၥည္းထုတ္လုပ္ေရး ေလာကမွာ။

ဗိုလ္မႉးစိုင္းသိန္း၀င္း။ ။ ျဖစ္ေနတာကေတာ့ အမွားက အမွန္ ျဖစ္ေနၿပီဗ်။ အမ်ား မိုးခါးေရေသာက္ ငါလည္း ေသာက္ရမယ္ ဆိုတဲ့လူေတြ က သူတို႔အတြက္ မိုးခါးေရဆိုတာ မိုးခါးေရမဟုတ္ေတာ့ဘဲနဲ႔၊ မိုးခ်ိဳေရ ျဖစ္ေနတယ္ဗ်။ အမွားေတြက အမွန္ျဖစ္ေနၿပီးေတာ့၊ အမွန္ေတြက အမွား ျဖစ္ေနတာကေတာ့ လက္ရွိ က်ေနာ္တို႔ရဲ႕ တပ္မေတာ္ ပါပဲ။

ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္မွာ စစ္အင္ဂ်င္နီယာအရာရွိအျဖစ္တာ၀န္ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဗိုလ္မႉးေဟာင္းစိုင္းသိန္း၀င္းရဲ႕ေျပာစကား ေနာက္ဆံုးအပိုင္းကိုေတာ့ ေရွ႕သီတင္းပတ္ “တပ္မႉးတပ္သား ေျပာစကား” အပတ္စဥ္က႑မွာ တင္ဆက္သြားမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္ခင္ဗ်ာ။ ေစာင့္ေမွ်ာ္ နားဆင္ၾကပါ။ က်ေနာ္ ေရာ္နီညိမ္းပါ။

Don't Try to 'Control' New Gov't, Regime Tells Opposition

Junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe, right in foreground, walks to attend the graduation parade of the No. 12 Intake of the Defense Services Medical Academy on Dec. 24

Saturday, December 25, 2010 The Irrawaddy

Burma's democratic opposition should stop calling for national reconciliation and instead ally itself with the country's newly elected government to achieve “national reconsolidation,” according to a commentary published in the state-run New Light of Myanmar on Saturday.

In the Burmese regime's first apparent response to pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's repeated calls for dialogue with the country's ruling generals, the commentary urged opposition groups to regard the junta-backed government that will be formed sometime early next year as a “democracy ally.”

The commentary referred specifically to Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party and ethnic groups which boycotted last month's election. The junta's proxy party claimed a landslide victory in the polls, which were widely dismissed as a sham by international observers.

It also warned the NLD, which has tried in the past to pressure the regime to hold talks with the opposition, not to use similar tactics in the future.

“Any ways to achieve national reconsolidation through non-violent, violent, indirect and direct approaches designed to control the ruling government will never come to fruition,” it said.

Notably absent from the commentary was the phrase “national reconciliation,” which is the stated aim of the NLD and and its ethnic allies. Instead, it refers to “national reconsolidation”—a term more in line with the regime's goal of strengthening central control over the country's many minority groups.

“How can we reconsolidate before we can reconcile with each other?” said Chin Sian Than, a Chin ethnic leader who boycotted last month's election.

“This commentary indicates yet again that the regime will press ahead with its own plans,” he said.

The front page of the New Light of Myanmar also highlighted the theme of national reconsolidation, in a speech given to the graduating class of a military medical academy in the capital Naypyidaw on Friday by junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe.

“I would like to urge you to build on the national reconsolidation that has been achieved and avoid all thoughts and notions that might lead to the disintegration of the Union,” he was quoted as saying.

In the speech, Than Shwe also also claimed that Burma's ethnic minorities are now enjoying the fruit of development projects his regime has undertaken since it came into power in 1988. He added that coming governments would continue their efforts for the country based on these foundations.

In January, Burma is expected to hold its first parliament in more than two decades.

Senior General Than Shwe attends Passing-out Parade of DSMA 12

NAY PYI TAW, 24 Dec-Commander-in- Chief of Defence Services Senior General Than Shwe delivered an address at the Passing-out Parade of the No. 12 Intake of the Defence Services Medical Academy which was held at the parade ground of the DSMA in Yangon at 7 am today.

Also present on the occasion were Secretary- 1 of the State Peace and Development Council Thiha Thura U Tin Aung Myint Oo, Lt-Gen Min Aung Hlaing of the Ministry of Defence, Commander-in-Chief (Navy) Vice-Admiral Nyan Tun, Commanderin- Chief (Air) Lt-Gen Myat Hein, Maj-Gen Hla Min, Maj-Gen Thet Naing Win and Maj-Gen Tin Ngwe of the Ministry of Defence, Adjutant- General Maj-Gen Khin Zaw Oo, Quartermaster- General Maj-Gen Wai Lwin, Defence Services Inspector-General Maj- Gen Thaung Aye, Military Appointment-General Maj-Gen Win Myint, Judge Advocate-General Maj-Gen Yar Pyae, Maj- Gen Sein Win and Maj- Gen Kyaw Swe of the Ministry of Defence, Chief of Armed Forces Training Lt-Gen Hla Htay Win, Maj- Gen Thein Htay of the Ministry of Defence, Defence Services Inspection and Auditor- General (Army, Navy and Air) Maj-Gen Kyaw Phyo, Commander of Yangon Command Brig- Gen Tun Than, Ministers U Htay Oo, U Thaung, U Khin Maung Myint, U Thein Swe, U Thein Zaw, U Lun Thi, Dr Kyaw Myint and Dr Chan Nyein, Vice-Chief of Armed Forces Training Maj-Gen Zaw Win, Directors Maj-Gen Mya Win, Maj-Gen Hla Myint, Maj-Gen Kyaw Nyunt, Maj-Gen Than Soe, Maj-Gen Maung Maung Ohn, Brig-Gen Hla Myint, Maj-Gen Than Aung, Maj-Gen Than Htay, Maj-Gen Sein Lin, Maj-Gen Aye Myint and senior military officers, Yangon Mayor U Aung Thein Lin, Commandant of DSMA Brig-Gen Ko Ko Naing, senior military officers of the station, parents and relatives of graduate officers and guests.

..ျမန္မာ့အလင္းသတင္းစာပါ သတင္းကိုဖတ္ရႈရန္ဤေနရာကိုႏွိပ္ပါ....

Friday, December 24, 2010

ကရင္နီေဒသမွာ တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံသားတခ်ိဳ ႔ အတိုက္ခိုက္ခံရ

24 ဒီဇင္ဘာ 2010 ဗီြအိုေအ

ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ အေရွ႕ဘက္ျခမ္း သံလြင္ျမစ္ေပၚက ေရကာတာေဆာက္လုပ္ေရး စီမံကိန္းတခုကို သြားေရာက္ တဲ့ ယာဥ္တန္းတခုကို ကရင္နီတုိင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႔က ကယားျပည္နယ္ ဖ႐ူးဆိုးၿမိဳ႕နယ္ အတြင္းမွာ မေန႔က ခ်ံဳခိုတိုက္ခိုက္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံသား ေဆာက္လုပ္ေရးလုပ္သားေတြ အပါအ၀င္ အနည္းဆံုး ၃ ဦး ေသဆံုးၿပီး ထိခိုက္ဒဏ္ရာရမႈေတြ ရွိခဲ့တယ္လို႔သိရပါတယ္။ ကရင္နီ လက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖြဲ႔ေတြအေနနဲ႔ ဘာေၾကာင့္ အခုလိုတိုက္ခိုက္ခဲ့တာလဲဆိုတာကိုေတာ့ ဆက္သြယ္ေမးျမန္းထားတဲ့ မနႏၵာခ်မ္းက တင္ျပထားပါတယ္။

သံလြင္ျမစ္ေၾကာင္းတေလွ်ာက္ ေရကာတာေဆာက္လုပ္မႈေတြကို သဘာ၀ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ ထိန္းသိမ္းေရး အဖြဲ႔ေတြ၊ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးအဖြဲ႔ေတြနဲ႔ ေဒသခံတုိင္းရင္းသားအဖြဲ႔ေတြက ကန္႔ကြက္ေျပာဆိုေနၾကခ်ိန္ အခု ေနာက္ဆံုး တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံသား ေဆာက္လုပ္ေရးလုပ္သားေတြ လိုက္ပါလာၿပီး ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ အေစာင့္ အၾကပ္နဲ႔ ေမာင္းႏွင္လာတဲ့ ယာဥ္တန္းရွည္တခုကို ထုိင္း-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္အေျခစိုက္ ကရင္နီျပည္ တိုးတက္ေရးပါတီ (KNPP) အဖြဲ႔ကေန ေသာၾကာေန႔ ေန႔လည္ပိုင္းက ကယားျပည္နယ္၊ ဖလူးဆို ၿမိဳ႕နယ္ အတြင္းမွာ ခ်ံဳခို တုိက္ခိုက္ခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီတိုက္ခိုက္မႈေၾကာင့္ ယာဥ္တန္းမွာလိုက္ပါလာတဲ့ တ႐ုတ္ ႏုိင္ငံသား ေဆာက္လုပ္ေရးလုပ္သားေတြ အပါအ၀င္ အနည္းဆံုး ၃ ဦး ေသဆံုးခဲ့တယ္လို႔ KNPP အတြင္း ေရးမွဴး-၁ ခူးဦးရယ္က ဗြီအိုေအကို အခုလို အတည္ျပဳ ေျပာၾကားခဲ့ပါတယ္။

“က်ေနာ္ ခန္႔မွန္းခ်ိန္ကေတာ့ ေန႔လည္ ၁၂ နာရီေလာက္ ျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ အဲ့ဒီမွာ ႏုိင္ငံျခားကုမၸဏီ တခုက ၀န္ထမ္းေတြနဲ႔ အင္ဂ်င္နီယာေတြပါတဲ့ အစီး ၂၀ ေလာက္ပါတဲ့ ယာဥ္တန္းကို က်ေနာ္တို႔တပ္က ဖ႐းူဆိုးၿမိဳ႕နယ္ေျမာက္ပိုင္း ၃ မုိင္ေလာက္အကြာပဲ ရွိပါလိမ့္မယ္။ အဲ့ဒီေလာက္ေနရာကေနၿပီးေတာ့ ခ်ံဳခို ျဖတ္ၿပီးေတာ့ တိုက္ခိုက္တာေတာ့ ဒါ အမွန္အကန္ပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။”

ဒါ့အျပင္ အခု ကရင္နီလက္နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႔ KNPP က တိုက္ခိုက္ခဲ့တဲ့ အေျခအေနနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လို႔ပဲ ကရင္နီဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးေရးသုေတသနအဖြဲ႔ တာ၀န္ခံ ကိုေသာ္ရာကလည္း အခုလို ေျပာျပပါေသးတယ္။

“ေဒသက ဖ႐ူးဆိုးၿမိဳ႕နယ္ထဲက တီေပါဆို ရြာကို မေရာက္ခင္ေလးမွာျဖစ္တာ။ တ႐ုတ္ အလုပ္သမား ေတြက ၇၀၊ ၈၀ ၀န္းက်င္မွာရွိမယ္။ တ႐ုတ္အလုပ္သမားေတြ အဲ့ေလာက္အမ်ားႀကီးနဲ႔ ဆင္းလာတယ္ ဆိုတာ ဒီတေခါက္ ပထမဆံုးပဲျဖစ္တယ္။ ယာဥ္တန္းက တ႐ုတ္ေဆာက္လုပ္ေရး ၀န္ထမ္းေတြလည္း ပါတယ္ဆိုတာကို သူတို႔ႀကိဳသိထားတဲ့ပံုနဲ႔ သြားၿပီးေတာ့မွ ေစာင့္တယ္ေလ။ သူတို႔ ဆင္းလာတဲ့အခါ ၀င္တိုက္တယ္ေလ။ သူပစ္ ကိုယ္ပစ္ျဖစ္မွာေပါ့။ စစ္သားေတြလည္း လံုၿခံဳေရးပါလာတယ္ ယာဥ္တန္း ထဲမွာေလ။ သူတို႔လည္း ျပန္ပစ္မွာပဲ။ ေသခ်ာတယ္။ အဲ့လို ပစ္တဲ့အထဲမွာ ကား ၁ စီးေတာ့ ေသခ်ာ တယ္။ ေမွာက္သြားတယ္။ ဒဏ္ရာေတြ ေသတာတခ်ိဳ႕ရွိတယ္လို႔ေတာ့ ၾကားတယ္။ ဘယ္ေလာက္ ဒဏ္ ရာရတယ္။ ဘယ္ေလာက္ ေသဆံုးတယ္ဆုိတာေတာ့ အေသးစိတ္ မသိရဘူး။”

KDRG ကရင္နီဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးေရးသုေတသနအဖြဲ႔ တာ၀န္ခံ ကိုေသာ္ရာ ေျပာသြားတာပါ။ KNPP အတြင္းေရးမွဴး - ၁ ခူးဦးရယ္ကေတာ့ တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံသား ေဆာက္လုပ္ေရး လုပ္သားေတြအပါအ၀င္ အနည္းဆံုး ၃ ဦး ေသဆံုးခဲ့ၿပီး အခုလို တုိက္ခဲ့တာဟာ ကယားျပည္နယ္တြင္း သံလြင္ျမစ္ေပၚမွာ ေရကာတာေဆာက္လုပ္ မႈကို မႀကိဳက္လို႔ ကန္႔ကြက္တဲ့အေနနဲ႔ လုပ္ေဆာင္တာျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ အခုလို ေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္။

“အနည္းဆံုးေတာ့ ဒီ ေရကာတာတည္ေဆာက္မယ့္ ကုမၸဏီက ၀န္ထမ္းေတြ လုပ္သားေတြ ၃ ေယာက္ ေလာက္ေတာ့ ေသဆံုးတယ္လို႔ေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ သိရတယ္။ ထိခိုက္ဒဏ္ရာရတဲ့ အေျခအေနေတာ့ ေလာေလာဆယ္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ မသိရေသးဘူး။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ကေတာ့ သံလြင္တေက်ာမွာ ေရကာတာတည္ ေဆာက္မယ့္ကိစၥနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး လံုး၀ လက္မခံႏုိင္တဲ့ အေၾကာင္းအရင္းကေတာ့ ကရင္နီမွာ တည္ေဆာက္မယ္ဆုိရင္ ရွမ္းျပည္မွာေနတဲ့လူထုေရာ၊ ကရင္ျပည္မွာေနထုိင္တဲ့ လူထုေရာအပါအ၀င္ ဒီေရကာတာရဲ႕ အထက္နဲ႔ ေအာက္မွာ ေနထုိင္တဲ့ လူေတြအားလံုးကေတာ့ အနည္းနဲ႔ အမ်ားကေတာ့ အတိဒုကၡေရာက္မယ့္ အေျခအေနမွာရွိတယ္။

“ဒါ့အျပင္ သဘာ၀ပတ္၀န္းက်င္နဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လို႔ကလည္း ပ်က္ဆီးဆံုး႐ံႈးမယ့္ အေနအထားေတြရွိသလိုပဲ ေတာ႐ိုင္းတိရစာၦန္ေတြလည္း ေသေက်ပ်က္ဆီးမယ့္ အေနအထားေတြ အမ်ားႀကီးရွိပါတယ္။ ဒါေတြနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီးေတာ့ ေရကာတာ တည္ေဆာက္မယ့္ကိစၥ ဘယ္လိုအေနအထားမ်ိဳးနဲ႔ပဲ တည္ေဆာက္ ေဆာက္ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔က လက္မခံဘူးဆိုတဲ့ အေနအထားေပၚမွာ အေျခခံၿပီးေတာ့ ေတာက္ေလွ်ာက္ တိုက္သြားမယ္။ ႏုိင္ငံတကာသိေအာင္လည္း က်ေနာ္တို႔ ေဖာ္ထုတ္သြားမယ္ဆိုတဲ့ အေျခခံေအာက္မွာ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ဒီတိုက္ခိုက္မႈကို လုပ္ခဲ့ရတာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။”

KNPP အတြင္းေရးမွဴး-၁ ခူးဦးရယ္ ေျပာသြားခဲ့တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီလို သံလြင္ျမစ္ေၾကာင္းတေလွ်ာက္ ေရကာတာတည္ေဆာက္ေရး စီမံကိန္းကို သဘာ၀ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ ထိန္းသိမ္းေရးအဖြဲ႔ေတြ၊ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး အဖြဲ႔ေတြနဲ႔ တုိင္းရင္းသား အဖြဲ႔အစည္းအသီးသီးက ကန္႔ကြက္ေနၾကတာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အခုေနာက္ဆံုး ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၁၅ ရက္ေန႔က ထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ရွမ္းသဘာ၀ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ေရးရာအဖြဲ႔နဲ႔ ရွမ္းအမ်ိဳးသမီးေရးရာ အဖြဲ႔တို႔ရဲ႕ ပူးတြဲအစီရင္ခံစာထဲမွာ ဒီေရကာတာစီမံကိန္းေၾကာင့္ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ ေျမာက္ပိုင္းမွာေနထုိင္တဲ့ ေဒသခံ ၁ သိန္း ၆ ေသာင္းေက်ာ္ဟာ ဒုကၡေတြနဲ႔ ရင္ဆိုင္ေနၾကရတယ္လို႔ ဆိုပါတယ္။ ဒီျမစ္ကို မီွခို အားထားၿပီး လုပ္ကိုင္စားေသာက္ေနၾကတဲ့ ေဒသခံေတြဟာလည္း ျမစ္ေရရဲ႕ အတက္အက် မတည္ၿငိမ္မႈ ေၾကာင့္ လုပ္ကိုင္စားေသာက္လုိ႔ မရေတာ့ဘူးလို႔ ေရးသားထားပါတယ္။

ဒါ့အျပင္ သဘာ၀ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ ထိန္းသိမ္းေရးအဖြဲ႔ေတြကလည္း ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ပ်က္ဆီးၿပီး ေတာ႐ိုင္း တိရစာၦန္ေတြ ပ်က္ဆီးဆံုး႐ံႈးမႈနဲ႔ ရင္ဆိုင္ရႏုိင္တယ္ဆုိၿပီး ေတာက္ေလွ်ာက္ ကန္႔ကြက္ေနၾကတာပါ။ ဒီလို အႀကီးအက်ယ္ကန္႔ကြက္မႈေတြ ရွိေနတဲ့ၾကားကပဲ အေရွ႕ေတာင္အာရွမွာ အႀကီးဆံုးျဖစ္လာမယ့္ သန္းေပါင္း ၁ ေသာင္းတန္ ေရအားလွ်ပ္စစ္ စီမံကိန္းကို အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ဖို႔ ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ႏို၀င္ဘာလထဲမွာပဲ တ႐ုတ္၊ ျမန္မာနဲ႔ ထုိင္း ၃ ႏုိင္ငံကေန သေဘာတူ လက္မွတ္ေရးထုိးခဲ့ပါတယ္။

NORTH KOREA: THE RISKS OF WAR IN THE YELLOW SEA


International Crisis Group Asia Report N°198 23 December 2010

The Yellow Sea off the Korean peninsula has become a
potential flashpoint for a wider conflict. An escalating series
of confrontations by the Democratic People’s Republic
of Korea (DPRK) has seen the sinking of a Republic
of Korea (ROK) naval vessel and the shelling of civilian
settlements on an island near the boundary. The disputed
nature of this maritime boundary, known as the Northern
Limit Line (NLL), as well as the volatility of DPRK politics
has created a serious risk that any further provocation
might turn into a wider conflict. While international attention
is once again focused on the North’s nuclear program,
there is an urgent need to implement measures that
could reduce the possibility of a clash in the Yellow Sea
becoming something worse.

.........click to read the full report......

Inside Burma: Last call for the resistance




.to read the Globalpost article click here.....

Wa offers another olive branch to junta

Xiao Minliang speaking at a party conference (On his right hand side is Bo Lakham) (Photo: UWSA)

Thursday, 23 December 2010 Shan Herald

The United Wa State Army (UWSA), one of the ceasefire groups at loggerheads with the Burma Army over the Border Guard Force (BGF) program, has extended an offer for peace talks with the new government that is expected to be installed early next year, according to local sources.

The announcement was made at UWSA's political wing United Wa State Party (UWSP)'s 5th district level party congress which is being held in Mongmai, 170 km north of its main base Panghsang. The USDP was formed on 20 December 1988.

The congress fittingly started on 20 December and to be held until 29 December, has some 2,500 participants including Xiao Minliang, vice chairman of the Wa State; Bo Lai Kham, Chairman of the Wa Political Consultative Conference;Bao Youri, Political Commissar of the Wa's southern military region 171; and Ai Lon, deputy Commander in Chief.

"We are ready to send a delegation to talk with the new government on the basis of 'Opposition to War' and 'Work for Peace and Development' principles," he was quoted as saying.

Panghsang is only reiterating its statement on 6 November, a day before the elections, expressing its readiness to resume peace talks with the new government, said a participant.

The two sides have also been reinforcing more troops and weapons, building bunkers, and digging trenches in bases along the front, since the Beijing-mediated talks failed earlier this year.

The UWSA had also set up a new brigade, the 618th, at Manghseng-Nawngkhet area facing Burma Army's strongest base Loi Panglong, a Wa officer said.

Currently, the UWSA has 9 Brigades, one artillery unit and 4 people's militia brigades in the 4 districts under its control: Mongmai (916th Brigade), Wiangkao (917th Brigade), Mongpawk 918th Brigade) and Mongyawn (unidentified). Each brigade is 2,500-3,200 strong, he claims.

Elections for district committee members are being held today.

Thursday, December 23, 2010

ေရွ႕တန္းစစ္မ်က္နွာအတြက္ UWSA အထူးတပ္မဟာတခုတိုးခ်ဲ႕ဖြဲ႕စည္း

တပ္မဟာ ၆၁၈ တပ္မဟာမႉး ေပါက္ဆမ္ရုိင္း

THURSDAY, 23 DECEMBER 2010 16:00 သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္

စက္တင္ဘာ ၁ ရက္ ေနာက္ဆံုးထား၍ လက္နက္ခ် ရမည္ဟု နအဖစစ္အုပ္စု ရာဇဒဏ္ေပးျပီးေနာက္ပိုင္း ဝ ျပည္ေသြးစည္းညီညႊတ္ ေရး တပ္မေတာ္တြင္ အေရးျကီး ေရွ႕တန္း စစ္မ်က္နွာအတြက္ အထူးတိုက္ခိုက္ေရး တပ္မဟာတခု တိုးခ်ဲ႕ဖဲြ႕စည္းထားခဲ့ေျကာင္း စံုစမ္းသိရွိရပါသည္။

“ အရင္တုန္းက က်ေနာ္တို႕ ေျမာက္ပိုင္း ဝ နယ္မွာ တပ္မဟာ ၃ ခု ရွိတယ္။ စစ္ေရးတင္းမာမႈေတြျဖစ္ျပီးေနာက္ ပိုင္းအေရးျကီးတဲ့ နယ္ျခားမ်ဥ္းတေလွ်ာက္ အထူးတိုက္ခိုက္ေရးအတြက္ တပ္မဟာသစ္တခု ထပ္မံတိုးခ်ဲ႕ဖြဲ႕စည္း ထား ရတာျဖစ္တယ္” - ဟု ယခု ရက္ပုိင္း မိုင္းေမာ UWSP ပါတီညီလာခံတက္ေရာက္သူ ဝ တပ္မႉးတဦး ကေျပာပါ သည္။

ေျမာက္ပိုင္း ဝ နယ္၌ ရွိရင္းစြဲတပ္မဟာ ၃ ခုအျပင္ ထပ္မံတိုးခ်ဲ႕ဖြဲ႕စည္းသည့္ တပ္မဟာ ၆၁၈ သည္ အထူးေရွ႕ တန္းစစ္မ်က္ႏွာ ျဖစ္သည့္ မန္းဆိုင္ ႏွင့္ ေနာင္္ခစ္ျမိဳ႕နယ္ ေဒသတြင္ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္တာ၀န္ယူရေျကာင္း၊တပ္မဟာ ၆၁၈ တပ္မဟာမႉးမွာ ေပါက္ဆမ္ရုိင္း ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ နအဖ ထိန္း ခ်ဳပ္နယ္ေျမ (သံလြင္အေနာက္ ျခမ္း)တန္႕ယန္းျမို႕နယ္ႏွင့္ မ်က္ႏွာျခင္းဆိုင္ျဖစ္ေျကာင္း၊ (သံလြင္အ ေရွ႕ျခမ္း) တာ့ေကာင္းအက္တံတားအလြန္ နအဖ၏အျကီး ဆံုးခံတပ္ လြယ္ပန္လုံတ၀ုိက္ျဖစ္ေျကာင္း၊ ထိုခံတပ္ႏွင့္အျပိဳင္အေရး ၾကီးဆုံးေရွ႕ေျပး လြယ္ပန္ဇံု ဝ ခံတပ္ကုိဤ တိုးခ်ဲ႕ဖြဲ႕စည္း လုိက္သည့္ တပ္မဟာသစ္ ၆၁၈ က တာ၀န္ယူရေျကာင္း ဆိုပါသည္။

“ဒီညီလာခံကေန ဆံုးျဖတ္ျပီး ဖြဲ႕စည္းတာမဟုတ္ဘူး၊ စက္တင္ဘာလ ကတည္းကထပ္တိုးခ်ဲ႕ဖြဲ႕စည္းလုိက္တာ၊ စစ္ေရးတာ၀န္ယူ လာတာ ၃ လေလာက္ရွိပါျပီ” - ဟု ဆက္၍ ေျပာျပပါသည္။

လက္ရွိ ဝ ျပည္ေသြးစည္းညီညႊတ္ေရးတပ္မေတာ္တြင္ တပ္မဟာ ၉ ခု ရွိေျကာင္း၊ ေတာင္ပိုင္း ဝ နယ္ ၅ ခု၊ ေျမာက္ပိုင္း ဝ နယ္ ၄ ခု၊ တပ္မဟာတခုလွ်င္ အင္အား ၂၅၀၀ မွ ၃၂၀၀ အထိရွိေျကာင္း၊ ထို႕အျပင္ ျပည္သူ႕စစ္ တပ္မဟာလည္းရွိေသးေျကာင္းပန္ဆန္း ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ ၀ အရွိျကီးတဦးက ယခုကဲ့သို႕ေျပာပါသည္။

“မိုင္းေမာမွာျပည္သူ႕စစ္တပ္မဟာ ၉၁၆ ရွိတယ္၊လက္ေအာက္ခံတပ္ရင္းက ၁၁ ရင္း၊ ၀ိန္းေကာ၀္ျမို႕နယ္ တပ္မဟာ ၉၁၇ ေအာက္ မွာ ၅ တပ္ရင္း၊ မိုင္းေပါက္က ၉၁၈ က ၅ ရင္း၊ ေနာက္ျပီး ေတာင္ပိုင္း ဝ နယ္ မုိင္းယြန္း မွာ လဲရွိေသး တယ္၊ အဲဒါေတြက မိမိရပ္ ရြာကိုကာကြယ္တဲ့ ေဒသခံလူထုတပ္ဖြဲ႕ေတြဘဲ”

ဝ ျပည္ေသြးစည္းညီညြတ္ေရးတပ္မေတာ္၏ ေျမာက္ပိုင္း ဝ နယ္တြင္ တပ္မဟာ ၃၁၈ ၊ တပ္မဟာ ၄၁၈ ၊ တပ္မဟာ ၄၆၈ မိုင္းေပါက္ႏွင့္ တိုးခ်ဲ႕တပ္မဟာသစ္ ၆၁၈ အျပင္ ေတာင္ပိုင္း ဝ နယ္ အမွတ္ ၁၇၁ စစ္ေဒသတြင္မူ တပ္မဟာ ၇၇၂၊ ၇၇၅၊ ၇၇၈၊ ၅၁၈ ႏွင့္ ၂၁၈ တို႕ ျဖစ္္ၾကသည္။

Than Shwe's Son-in-law Named Ambassador to China


Thursday, December 23, 2010 The Irrawaddy

In his 18 years as head of Burma's ruling junta, Snr-Gen Than Shwe has worked tirelessly to cement not only the regime's hold on power, but also the status of his closest relatives as members of the country's de facto royal family.

Now, in the latest move to ensure that his influence survives the transition to quasi-civilian rule following this year's election, he has named his son-in-law as his point man in China, the regime's most important and powerful ally.

According to sources in Naypyidaw, Maj Zaw Phyo Win, husband of Than Shwe's youngest daughter, Thandar Shwe, has been appointed Burma's ambassador to Beijing, following a stint as the Burmese consul general in Kunming, in China’s southwestern province of Yunnan.

Thandar Shwe and Zaw Phyo Win were last in the international media spotlight in 2006, when a leaked video of their wedding outraged Burmese observers with its displays of opulence, in a country where millions live in poverty due to the regime's stranglehold on the economy.

More recently, Zaw Phyo Win appeared in Burma's state-run media during a state visit to Kunming by Foreign Minister Nyan Win, who was in the city to attend an opening ceremony for the Burmese consulate's new office building on Sept. 12.

Observers say that Than Shwe appears to be trying to emphasize the regime's “pauk phaw” (brotherly) relationship with Beijing by sending close relatives to serve as his representatives to China, which recently granted a US $6 billion loan to Burma.

Like her husband and Than Shwe’s three other daughters, Thandar Shwe also works with Burma’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA). She is currently a senior diplomat to China, while her sisters—Kyi Kyi Shwe, Aye Aye Thit Shwe and Dewa Shwe—are senior officials with the Burmese embassy in Singapore.

In addition to Than Shwe’s daughters, other relatives are also posted with the Foreign Ministry, including two of Zaw Phyo Win’s sisters. According to sources in Naypyidaw, the family's connections to the ministry are so strong that it is often jokingly referred to as the “Shwe MOFA.”

Some officials in Naypyidaw say that these foreign postings serve no other purpose than to give Than Shwe's daughters opportunities for overseas shopping trips. “They are go abroad and they draw foreign salaries,” said one source, describing the extent of the duties involved in these postings.

Other relatives of Burma's top general have similarly benefited from their family connections. In June 2008, Brig-Gen Thein Naing, the husband of Than Shwe's daughter, Khin Pyoe Shwe, took over as the commander of Mingaladon Airbase in Rangoon. Soon after this, he was promoted from colonel to brigadier general. He currently serves at the office of the air force commander in chief.

Nepotism is nothing new to military-ruled Burma. The family of the late dictator Ne Win also enjoyed privileges that made them objects of scorn among ordinary Burmese, until they were finally placed under arrest for allegedly plotting to overthrow the current regime in Ne Win's dying days.

Unlike Than Shwe, however, Ne Win did not directly involve his family in affairs of state. Than Shwe, on the other hand, routinely brings family members to official ceremonies and on state visits alongside other senior military officials.

“History repeats itself within one decade. Ten years ago, the current top two generals, Than Shwe and Maung Aye, were not comfortable with the behavior of Ne Win’s grandsons, who had nothing but contempt for the generals,” said a Burmese official close to the regime's senior leadership, speaking on condition of anonymity. “Now the generals serving under Than Shwe are grumbling about members of his family, who in some ways are worse than Ne Win’s relatives.”

Nay Shwe Thway Aung, Than Shwe's favorite grandson, has earned a reputation as the most notorious member of the ruling family. He has been accused of ordering military officers serving as his assistants to carry out attacks on business rivals, and even top generals are said to be wary of displeasing him.

According to business sources in Rangoon, earlier this year Nay Shwe Thway Aung took a new Mercedes Benz from a warehouse of the military-owned Union of Myanmar Economic Holding, Ltd (UMEHL), paying just 10 million kyat (US $11,600) for a luxury vehicle valued at least 200 million kyat ($230,000) in Burma.

“It happened with the acknowledgment of [former UMEHL head] ex Lt-Gen Tin Aye. Nay Shwe Thway Aung sent one of his friends to take the Mercedes from the warehouse,” said a Rangoon-based businessman who spoke on condition of anonymity.

“Even Tin Aye, who is one of the top junta members, cannot deter the grandson from this kind of act because he is Than Shwe’s favorite,” the source added.

Suu Kyi could be a boon for Myanmar's old soldiers

By Martin Petty

BANGKOK | Wed Dec 22, 2010 5:58pm IST

BANGKOK (Reuters) - Myanmar's military rulers are not getting softer as they maintain their longstanding grip on power, but by freeing pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, they could be getting smarter.

Myanmar's democratic facelift is almost complete and with the spotlight firmly on the recently released Nobel laureate, the generals have the perfect distraction to consolidate power behind a civilian-fronted government for decades to come.

A landslide win last month by an army-backed party in an election fraught with allegations of fraud will ensure political and economic power remains in the hands of the current leaders after a government is formed in the next six weeks.

Analysts suggest that Suu Kyi, the arch-enemy of 77-year-old junta supremo Than Shwe and number two Maung Aye, 72, might now be more of an asset than a threat.

The charismatic Suu Kyi, whose party boycotted the poll, has no political role in the new system.

But she has been given an unprecedented free rein that has revived hopes of Western engagement and eased international pressure on the regime as it adds the finishing touches to its new military-managed democracy.

"They're extremely reluctant to release control. They still want to rule this country completely," said Aung Thu Nyein, a Harvard-educated academic and expert on Myanmar politics.

"The generals feel very secure now because of their party's landslide win. China and their other allies have endorsed the polls. They can rule the country as civilians and Suu Kyi is no longer a threat to them."

The release from house arrest of Suu Kyi, analysts say, was no act of benevolence on the part of her foes, who have yet to respond to her calls for dialogue. Most believe the military, which has ruled for almost half a century and curtailed the country's development, will continue to ignore her.

FREE REIN FOR SUU KYI

But the reclusive junta's restraint in letting Suu Kyi conduct myriad media interviews and meetings with diplomats and political allies suggests they might want her to do something they seem incapable of: initiating engagement with the West.

Experts say Suu Kyi could be key to boosting the country's tainted image, and a chance to get Western sanctions lifted, attract foreign businesses and reduce Myanmar's dependence on neighbouring China, its biggest political and economic ally.

"They're trying to use Suu Kyi and (show) a glimmer of reform for their own purposes, namely, to encourage greater investment and re-engage with the West as a hedge against China," said Josh Kurlantzick of the U.S-based Council on Foreign Relations.

"I don't think they want to be this close to China. I think they have concerns about any closeness with any major power, so they need to hedge against that."
Some analysts say the regime's elaborate democratic facade and Suu Kyi's release could have been designed to appease its neighbours and other Asian trade partners, rather than the West.

Their willingness to play ball with a dictatorship has frustrated the West but they can -- and probably will -- now argue that the country once known as Burma is a fledgling democracy moving in the right direction.

The army-dominated parliament, which has limited powers, will choose a president most likely to be one of the junta top brass, who can appoint almost anyone to serve in the government. There is no requirement for ministers to have been elected.

The status quo scenario, whereby the junta and its allies continue to dominate politics and the economy and sideline their opponents, would therefore mean even closer ties with China and other Asian nations. Many of those countries are more likely to accept the regime's grip on power from behind-the-scenes.

ASIAN FOCUS

Others argue that this approach might be more beneficial to the regime: by opening its doors to the West, it could face pressure to reform, become transparent and introduce a proper regulatory framework that might be unfavourable to its business cronies, many of whom are also the targets of sanctions.

Myanmar is already reaching out to Southeast Asia, likening itself to neighbouring Thailand -- one of Asia's most attractive emerging markets -- and touting its vast natural resources, energy reserves and tourism potential.

A brochure by the newly formed Myanmar Business Council distributed at a recent Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) meeting reads: "Unfavourable sanctions leaves Myanmar to focus on their neighbours."

What experts are sure about is that unlike the old adage, Myanmar's old soldiers won't be fading away.

"They've put a very positive spin on things and we would be naive to think Burma is moving forward," said Aung Zaw, editor of the Thai-based Irrawaddy magazine.

"There's no sign the regime is willing to open up. They've released Suu Kyi to provide a distraction and there's no sign of dialogue or compromise with her.

"We've seen this all before. The regime is very, very confident it will have full control of the country and when Suu Kyi steps out of line, they'll lock her up again." (Editing by Ron Popeski)

Saturday, December 18, 2010

ေနာက္ဆံုးကခ်င္ ခံကတုတ္ (မူရင္း - မဇၩိမ)

KNU Eye Manerplaw

Karen children were among the refugees to flee the Manerplaw area. (PHOTO: Backpack Health Worker Team)

Friday, December 17, 2010 The Irrawaddy
A battalion of regular troops from the rebel Karen National Union (KNU) on Dec. 11 launched a short attack on the Burmese army in Manerplaw, and have remained active in the area. Manerplaw was the headquarters of the KNU from 1948 until it fell into Burmese army hands in 1995.

Located in Hlaingbwe Township in Karen State at a picturesque juncture on the Moei River, which seperates Thailand and Burma, Manerplaw was the KNU's most strategic base during the reign of Gen Bo Mya, the former chairman of the KNU. Its fall into enemy hands—primarily due to the notorious betrayal of the KNU by the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA)—marked a turn in the decades-old civil conflict which resulted in several ethnic armies signing cease-fire agreements with the military regime, while members of the KNU were forced to flee to refugee camps in Thailand or to small guerilla bases in remote parts of Karen State.

After the Fall of Manerplaw in 1995, the KNU was unable to launch major offensives against government forces around that area, and it became a Burmese army stronghold and an ideal base to coordinate cross-border trade, especially logging.

KNU sources said that Battalion 202 from Brigade 7 of the KNU's military wing, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), and some members of a Karen specialist unit known as the “Special Force” were involved in a skirmish with government forces involving gunfire and mortar attacks.

The KNU fighters retook some of their former bases around Manerplaw, and are now patrolling along the trails and hills of Kachaw Wah Lay, Htee Thit Kee, Manerpaw, Htoo Wah Lu, Law Kwa Lu and Yadae Nee, said the sources.

Nang Paw Gay, the editor of the Karen Information Centre, said that the KNLA's Battalion 202 led by Maj Saw Tamla and the “Special Force” have been much more active in the area since the beginning of December.

Small skirmishes between Burmese government troops (assisted by DKBA regulars who are now part of the border guard force) and KNU Brigade 7 have been occuring on a near daily basis since early December in the areas surrounding Manerplaw, souces said.

The worst fighting broke out on Dec. 10-11, which resulted in some 300 local villagers fleeing to the Thai side of the river to seek refuge in Sop Moei District in Mae Hong Son Province, according to one source who visited the refugees.

Mahn Mahn, a leader of the Backpack Health Worker Team, a medical relief group which works in Karen State, said, “Some pregnant women who are ready to give birth were among the villagers. We had to make preparations to deliver their babies en route.”

The refugees will be unable to return home while the fighting is ongoing, the sources said. Some refugees who tried to get into Mae La Oon refugee camp in Mae Hong Son Province were prevented by the Thai authorities.

Relief workers have said that there are several refugees who are sick among those held up at the border.

South Korea Boosts Yeonpyeong Security

တပ္မေတာ္နည္းပညာတကၠသိုလ္ Defence Services Technological Academy


ျပင္ဦးလြင္ရွိ တပ္မေတာ္နည္းပညာတကၠသိုလ္ တည္ေနရာအေနအထား

တပ္မေတာ္နည္းပညာတကၠသိုလ္ ဗိုလ္ေလာင္းသင္တန္းအမွတ္စဥ္(၁၃) သင္တန္းဆင္းပြဲ



NAY PYI TAW, 17 Dec-The Graduation Parade of the No. 13 Intake of the Defence Services Technological Academy was held at the parade ground of DSTA in PyinOoLwin at 8.30 am today, with an address by Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services Senior General Than Shwe.

Also present on the occasion were Secretary- 1 of the State Peace and Development Council Thiha Thura U Tin Aung Myint Oo, Lt-Gen Min Aung Hlaing of the Ministry of Defence, Commander-in-Chief (Navy) Vice-Admiral Nyan Tun, Commander-in-Chief (Air) Lt-Gen Myat Hein, Maj-Gen Myint Soe, Maj-Gen Aung Than Htut and Maj-Gen Soe Win of the Ministry of Defence, Adjutant-General Maj-Gen Khin Zaw Oo, Quartermaster-General Maj-Gen Wai Lwin, Defence Services Inspector-General Maj-Gen Thaung Aye, Military Appointment-General Maj-Gen Win Myint, Judge Advocate-General Maj-Gen Yar Pyae, Maj- Gen Sein Win and Maj-Gen Kyaw Swe of the Ministry of Defence, Chief of Armed Forces Training Lt-Gen Hla Htay Win, Maj-Gen Thein Htay of the Ministry of Defence, Defence Services Inspection and Auditor-General (Army, Navy and Air) Maj-Gen Kyaw Phyo, Commander of North- West Command Brig-Gen Soe Lwin, Commander of Central Command Brig-Gen Ye Aung, Ministers U Htay Oo, U Aung Thaung, U Khin Maung Myint, U Thaung, U Ohn Myint, U Zaw Min, U Thein Zaw, U Lun Thi, Dr Kyaw Myint, Dr Chan Nyein and U Thein Aung, Vice-Chief of Armed Forces Training Maj-Gen Zaw Win, Directors Maj-Gen Mya Win, Maj-Gen Hla Myint, Maj-Gen Kyaw Nyunt, Maj-Gen Than Soe, Maj-Gen Maung Maung Ohn, Brig-Gen Hla Myint, Brig-Gen Nay Lin, Maj- Gen Than Aung, Maj- Gen Nyan Tun, Maj-Gen Than Htay, Maj-Gen Hlaing Myint and senior military officers, Commander of PyinOoLwin Station Brig-Gen Mya Tun Oo, Mandalay Mayor U Phone Zaw Han, Commandant of Defence Services Technological Academy Brig-Gen Nyo Saw and officials, guests and parents and relatives of cadets.

ျမန္မာ့အလင္းသတင္းစာ ပါ သတင္းကိုဖတ္ရန္ဤေနရာကိုနွိပ္ပါ.....

ရတနာပုံ တယ္လီပို ့Yadanabon Teleport







ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ ျပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ႏိုဝင္ဘာလ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ မတိုင္ရက္မ်ားမွ စတင္ျပီး ယခင္ကကတည္းက မျမန္တဲ့ အင္တာနက္ ကြန္နက္ရွင္ေတြဟာ ေကာက္ခါငင္ခါနဲ႔ သံုးမရေအာင္ ေႏွးေကြးသြားခဲ့ပါတယ္..။ စစ္အစိုးရရဲ႕ သတင္း ထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္မွာေတာ့ ျပည္ပမွ Distributed Denial of Service (DDoS) ျဖင့္ တိုက္ခိုက္ျခင္းခံရတယ္လို႕ သတင္းလႊင့္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒီအေၾကာင္းနဲ႕ ပတ္သတ္ျပီး ျမန္မာျပည္တြင္းမွ ေပးပို႔လာတဲ့ ရတနာပံုတယ္လီပို႔အေၾကာင္း စာနဲ႔ ဓာတ္ပံု အခ်ိဳ႕ကို ေဖာ္ျပလိုက္ပါတယ္...။

ကိုဒီမိုေရ.. စစ္အစိုးရက ျပည္ပကေန (DDoS)နဲ႔ တိုက္ခိုက္ခံရတယ္ ဆိုျပီးလိမ္ညာ သတင္းလႊင့္ေနတာပါ.. ။ တကယ္တမ္း အင္တာနက္ေတြကို ေႏွးေအာင္ ၾကည္႔မရေအာင္ လုပ္ေနတာ သူတို႔ကိုယ္တိုင္ပါပဲ..။ ဒီအေၾကာင္းနဲ႔ ပတ္သတ္ျပီး ကၽြန္ေတာ္သိတဲ့ ရတနာပံုတယ္လီပို႔က သတင္းေတြအေၾကာင္း ေရးသား ေပးပို႔လိုက္ပါတယ္..။

ရတနာပံုတယ္လီပို႔ကို ၂၀၀၇ခုႏွစ္ကတည္းက မႏၱေလးနဲ႔ ၂၄မိုင္ေဝးတဲ့ မႏၱေလး ေမျမိဳ႕သြားတဲ့ လမ္းမွာ ျပင္စာရြာမွာ ေဆာက္လုပ္ခဲ့တာပါ...။ ဒီအေဆာက္အဦး ျပီးစီးတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ကြန္ျပဴတာတကၠသိုလ္ဆင္း ေက်ာင္းသား/ေက်ာင္းသူ အိမ္ေထာင္ မရွိသူ အပ်ိဳလူပ်ိဳ၂၀ေက်ာ္ကို ITနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္တဲ့ အလုပ္ေတြ လုပ္ရမယ္ဆိုျပီး ေတဇရဲ႕ ထူးဒေရးဒင္းကုမၸဏီက အလုပ္ေခၚပါတယ္.. တလ က်ပ္(၁)သိန္းနဲ႕ပါ...။ ျမန္မာျပည္လို ပညာတတ္ေတြ အတြက္ အလုပ္အကိုင္ ရွားပါးတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံမွာ တစ္လ တစ္သိန္းဆိုေတာ့လည္း လုပ္ၾကတာေပါ့...။ ဘာမွန္းညာမွန္းမသိပဲ ၂ႏွစ္စာခ်ဳပ္နဲ႔ ဘြန္းထိုးျပီးတဲ့ အခ်ိန္မွာေတာ့ ၂၀၀၉ခုႏွစ္ ကုန္ပိုင္းက စတင္ျပီး မႏၱေလးနဲ႕ ျပင္ဦးလြင္ၾကားက ရတနာပံုတယ္လီပို႔ ကိုပို႔ခံရပါေတာ့တယ္...၂၀၁၀ခုႏွစ္ ၄လပိုင္းမွာ စတင္အလုပ္စဝင္ရပါတယ္.. ထမင္းေကၽြးတယ္.. အေဆာင္ေပးထားတယ္..။ တကယ္တန္းလုပ္ရတဲ့ အလုပ္ကေတာ့ ႏိုင္ငံတကာမွာ ရွိတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရး Websiteေတြ၊ သတင္းမီဒီယာေတြ၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရးဘေလာ့(ခ္)ေတြကို ၂၄နာရီ အခ်ိန္အဆိုင္းအလိုက္ အခ်ိန္ျပည္႔ ေစာင့္ၾကည္႔ရပါေတာ့တယ္.. အခုလက္ရွိ အဆိုပါ႒ာနရဲ႕ အၾကီးအကဲကေတာ့ဗိုလ္မွဴးၾကီးတင္ေမာင္ဝင္းပါ..။

လုပ္ရတာကေတာ့ DVB,မဇၥ်ိမတို႕,ဧရာဝတီတို႔ စတဲ့ သတင္း႒ာနေတြကို တခ်ိန္လံုး ေစာင့္ၾကည္႔ရပါတယ္..။ ျပီးေတာ့ ျမန္မာေတြ အရွိမ်ားတဲ့ Facebook တို႔ Twitterတို႔ စတဲ့ေနရာေတြကို ေန႔ေရာညပါ တစ္ခ်ိန္လံုး ေစာင့္ၾကည္႔ရပါေတာ့တယ္.။ အဲ့ဒီသတင္းေတြထဲမွာ ထူးျခားတဲ့ သတင္းတို႔ ဘေလာ့(ဂ္) နာမည္တို႔ဘာတို႔ပါရင္.. ခ်က္ခ်င္းလိုက္ေတာ့တာပဲ ျပီးရင္ အစီရင္ခံစာတင္ရတယ္..။ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ Background မွာ Counter Check လုပ္တာကေတာ့... ကာကြယ္ေရးဝန္ၾကီး႒ာန ဆက္သြယ္ေရးညႊန္ၾကားေရးမွဴး ရုံးဆိုတာ သီးသန္႔ရွိတယ္.. သူတို႔က အဲ့ဒီ အဖြဲ႕ကလည္း ဒီႏိုင္ငံေရး Website ေတြ သတင္း႒ာနေတြ ဘေလာ့(ဂ္)ေတြကို ေတာက္ေလွ်ာက္ ေစာင့္ၾကည္႔ေနတာပါပဲ.။ သူူတို႔လုပ္ရတာ ဒါပဲရွိတယ္ က်န္တာဘာမွာ မလုပ္ရပါဘူး..။ ဒီလို ေစာင့္ၾကည္႔ေနတဲ့ ၾကားထဲကမွ သတင္းေတြ မဘန္းမိတဲ့ ဘေလာ့(ဂ္)ေတြ က်န္ခဲ့ျပီ ဆိုရင္သူတို႔ ျပသနာရွာခံရေတာ့တာပါပဲ..။ လစာျဖတ္ခံရတာတို႔ ေနာက္ဆံုး စိတ္မထင္ရင္ မထင္သလို ဆူပူၾကိမ္းေမာင္း ခံရတာတို႔ ခံရပါေတာ့တယ္...။ ျပည္တြင္းကေန ဆိုဒ္ေတြကို ဝင္ၾကည္႔မယ္ဆိုရင္ ႏိုဝင္ဘာ(၇) ရက္ေန႔မတိုင္ခင္ထိ Ultra Subနဲ႔ ေက်ာ္ၾကည္႔လို႔ ရတယ္ ခုေနာက္ပိုင္းလံုးဝကို Ban လိုက္ပါျပီ.. ခုတစ္ခ်ိဳ႕ေတြ Proxy ၂ဆင့္ ေက်ာ္ျပီးၾကည္႔ၾကတယ္..။ ေနာက္ပိုင္း အဲ့လို ေက်ာ္ၾကည္႔လို႔ရတဲ့ ဆိုဒ္ေတြကို Virus လႊတ္ဖို႔အထိ လုပ္ေနပါျပီ...။

ႏိုဝင္ဘာ(၇)ရက္ေန႔ မတိုင္ခင္ လံုးဝကို တမင္ေႏွးေအာင္လုပ္လိုက္တာပါ.. တမင္ျဖတ္ခ်လိုက္တာပါ။ ဒီလိုလုပ္တဲ့ဟာ အားလံုးကို တရုတ္က ကြန္ထရိုး ေပးထားတာပါ..။ ခုတရုတ္က ပညာရွင္ေတြ ရတနာပံုတယ္လီပို႔ကုိ ေရာက္ေနပါတယ္..။ ဒီလိုအေျခအေနေတြ ေအာက္မွာပဲ အလုပ္ကေန ထြက္ခြာခ်င္ေနတဲ့ လူငယ္ေတြက အမ်ားၾကီးပါပဲ သို႔ေပမယ့္ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ လက္ရွိေခတ္စားေနတဲ့ ဘယ္အလုပ္ပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ အလုပ္ရွင္ေတြက စာခ်ဳပ္နဲ႔ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ထားတဲ့ အက်င့္အတိုင္း အခု လက္ရွိလုပ္ေနသူေတြ (၂)ႏွစ္ျပည္႔ေအာင္ လုပ္ရပါမယ္။ မလုပ္ခ်င္လို႔ ထြက္ခ်င္ရင္ေတာ့ အနည္းဆံုး ေအာက္ထစ္ (၁၅)သိန္းေပးမွ ထြက္လို႔ရပါေတာ့မယ္..။

အဲ့ဒီေတာ့ ျပည္ပက တိုက္ခိုက္တယ္.. ဆိုတာလံုးဝ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး.. တမင္သတင္းလႊင့္တာပါ.. ဘာ (DDoS) နဲ႔မွ တိုက္ခံရတာမဟုတ္ပါဘူး..။ ရတနာပံု တယ္လီပို႔ကသူေတြ အသိဆံုးပါ..။ ေနာက္ပိုင္းဒီမွာ အင္တာနက္ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ဖို႔ အမ်ားၾကီး ျပင္ဆင္လုပ္ကိုင္ေနတဲ့ အေၾကာင္း ေပးပို႔လိုက္ရပါတယ္..။

ရတနာပံု Virus

ေရးသားေပးပို႔ လာတဲ့ စာထဲက ကာယကံရွင္ ထိခိုက္ေစမယ့္ အေၾကာင္းအရာတစ္ခ်ိဳ႕ကို ပယ္ဖ်က္ျပီး ျပန္တင္ေပးလိုက္ပါတယ္..။ ျမန္မာျပည္ကို ဒီမိုကေရစီႏိုင္ငံ တည္ေထာင္ဖို႔ လုပ္ကိုင္ေနတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ နအဖစစ္အာဏာရွင္ေတြရဲ႕ မလိုအပ္တဲ့ေနရာေတြမွာ တိုင္းျပည္ ဘ႑ာေငြေတြ သံုးျပီး မီဒီယာကို မသမာတဲ့နည္းနဲ႔ တိုက္ေနတာေတြပါ...။ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ အင္တာနက္ သံုးတာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးဆိုဒ္ေတြ တခုတည္းၾကည္႔ဖို႔ အတြက္မဟုတ္ပါဘူး ... တျခားစီးပြားေရး၊ လူမွဳေရး၊ ပညာေရး၊ က်န္းမာေရး စတဲ့က႑မ်ားစြာ ရွိပါေသးတယ္။ ဒီလိုက်ဥ္းေျမာင္းတဲ့ အျမင္တစ္ခုတည္းအတြက္ အင္တာနက္ကို ေႏွးေကြးေအာင္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနတာဟာ တျခားေသာ က႑ေတြ အသံုးျပဳေနသူေတြ အတြက္ အင္မတန္မွ နစ္နာလွပါတယ္..။ သို႔ေပမယ့္ မတရားအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူ အခြင့္ထူးခံ စစ္အာဏာရွင္မ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သတ္သူ လက္တစ္ဆုပ္စာ အတြက္ေတာ့ ျမန္ႏွဳန္းျမင့္ျပီး သာမာန္ျပည္သူ လူထုေတြ ၾကည္႔ခြင့္မရတဲ့ Youtube,Yahoo စတာေတြ ၾကည္႔လို႔ရတဲ့ VIP လိုင္းသီးသန္႔ လုပ္ေပးထားရေၾကာင္း အဆိုပါ ေပးပို႔လာသူမွ ဆိုပါတယ္..။ ေပၚေပါက္လာမည္႔ ရုပ္ေသးအစိုးရအတြင္း လႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္ ေအာ္ၾကမည္ဆိုသည္႔ အတိုက္အခံ ဆုိသူမ်ားမွ လႊတ္ေတာ္အတြင္း တျခားကိစၥမ်ား အသာထား အနိမ့္ဆံုးအဆင့္ သတင္းလြတ္လပ္ခြင့္၊ အင္တာနက္ ျမန္ႏွဳန္းျမင့္ျမင့္ႏွင့္ သံုးစြဲပိုင္ခြင့္ ရမရဆိုတာ ေတာင္းဆိုႏိုင္ၾကမလား ဆိုတာကို ေစာင့္ၾကည္႔ခ်င္ပါေၾကာင္း တင္ျပလိုက္ရပါတယ္...။

Posted by ဒီမိုေဝယံ at Friday, December 17, 2010


Yadanabon Cyber City

 Yadanabon Cyber City (Burmese: ရတနာပုံ နည်းပညာ မြို့သစ် [jədənàbòʊɴ nípjɪ̀ɴɲà mjo̰ðɪʔ]) is the largest information technology center in Myanmar. The 4050-hectare (10,000-acre) ICT park is located near Pyinoolwin, about 67 km east of Mandalay.[1] Partly operational since December 2007, tenants in the park reportedly include over 30 local and foreign investors, mostly from Asia.


When the ICT park was established in June 2006,[2] the master plan called for simultaneously developing nine "zones"--the teleport building; seven single-story “incubation units”; local and international software zones; a park and convention center zone; a commercial and services zone; a research and development zone; a training centre; and a residential area.[3] To encourage private housing, the government has offered land lease grants for 30 years, not for resale or transfer within the first ten years.[4]
In June 2008, the military government announced that twelve local and foreign information technology companies had been given permission to invest in the center. The Burmese companies included the semi-government-owned Myanmar Teleport and eight privately owned companies, including FISCA Enterprise, MCC and Fortune International, Htoo Trading, Myanmar World Distribution, Nibban, Tamoenyel Chantha Tun Wai Tha, Yadanabon Cyber Corporation, Jadeland Myanmar, High-Tech Princess and Myanmar Info-Tech. Foreign investors reportedly included: Shin Satellite from Thailand; ZTE and Alcatel Shanghai Bell of China; IP Tel Sdn Bhd of Malaysia; and CBOSS of Russia. The 12 companies agreed to invest a total of US $22 million in the Yadanabon site.[2]
By December 2008, the Burmese government had allotted 150 hectares to 35 local and foreign IT companies.[5]

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Snr-Gen Than Shwe (center) takes a tour of the Yadanabon Cyber City with his grandson, Nay Shwe Thway Aung (wearing a white shirt and dark tie). (Photo: MNA)